regiments. The three schools are managed by the Council of Military Education, which introduces useful changes and reforms, directs the public examinations, and communicates an impulse to the military studies through the United Kingdom. It will be seen, we think, from these data, that England has now a system of military education which can stand a comparison with that existing in any European country. The principal features of this system are a sound general education up to the age of sixteen, then a short course of military instruction; and, after a few years' service, the studies in the senior department of the Staff College put the seal on the good work. Still, it must not be assumed that we have attained perfection as yet; though much has been done, much yet remains to do; there are many old prejudices to be overcome; but it is satisfactory to know that we are on the right path at last, and that there is no possibility of our army again falling back into a state of apathy, should the general peace be prolonged. It must not be forgotten that the introduction of special arms has led in a great measure to this gratifying improvement in our troops, for the military education that sufficed for Brown Bess will not do at all for the Enfield rifle. This weapon demands very careful treatment, and a knowledge of the way to use it most effectively can only be learned by assiduous practice. For this purpose the government school at Hythe was founded about six years ago, where officers and men go through a careful training. At the present moment it is thronged with volunteers, who go there to carry out their studies in the use of what is becoming the national weapon, and, thanks to the instruction of Major-General Hay, our volunteers have attained a proficiency which seems truly marvellous, when we reflect that fifteen months ago the movement was in its infancy, and now counts close on two hundred thousand members. Nothing more distinctly proves the peril to which England had so recklessly exposed herself, and the glittering bait she offered an invader. Fortunately, the evil was seen while there was yet time to cure it, and though our defensive arrangements are not yet completed, we are already able to show a bold front to an enemy. As M. Esquiros very justly observes: It seems to us imprudent for Europe to judge of the military resources of Great Britain by vague reports which exaggerate and attenuate the character of the armaments in men. When I read the French papers, I believe the Thames is on fire; when I read the English, I fancy it is the Seine which is ablaze. Without dwelling on these rumours, I think that the armaments and military reforms of the United Kingdom are of a nature to offer matter of serious thought to Europe. Every continental nation, no matter which, that thought to come into collision with Great Britain, would have to look twice before doing so. It would find in front of it the old wooden wall which has hitherto protected the coasts of England with an impenetrable bulwark-behind these vessels soldiers improving in number and organisation day by day, and behind these soldiers again, an armed population. It is doubtless very satisfactory to our pride to read this frank confession on the part of an intelligent writer belonging to that martial nation which alone threatens us, and who has carefully investigated the subject; still, at the same time, we cannot refrain from feeling a regret that such prodigious armaments should have been rendered compulsory by the mad ambition of one man. That our army should be put on a more satisfactory basis was a matter of primary importance, for the nation may now feel confident that it is obtaining its money's worth, and, convinced that a standing army is a necessary evil, accepts the sacrifice in a willing spirit. But it is a hard tax upon us to be obliged to arm ourselves for defence against an unknown danger, and to see no possibility of our army estimates diminishing. So long as this continues, the Commercial Treaty must remain a dead letter. Having shown, impartially we trust, the present condition of our army, we think it but just to reverse the medal, and show the defects still inherent in the system. The most dangerous of these is indubitably the sad want of education among our rank and file, and that no systematic attempt is made to encourage them in acquiring useful knowledge. As a writer on the subject justly observes: "We have no excuse for leaving our private soldiers at their present point of ignorance and want of refinement; for we shall invariably find that, among both officers and privates, the gentlest and best informed are the bravest." We readily allow that efforts have been made to remove this pregnant source of evil, but they have hitherto produced but slight results. Garrison schools have been established and reading-rooms opened to wean the men from the public-house, and we are sorry to say that only a few take advantage of the opportunities offered them. The result is, that many men of exemplary character cannot be promoted, because they are ignorant of the first rudiments of education, and utterly regret their neglect when it is too late. Another evil connected with the soldier's life will be found in the hours left on his hands, and which he passes in indolence, lounging about the barrack-room, and doing that mischief which the old hymn tells us is always found for idle hands to do. If any mode could be invented for utilising those hours, it would be a great boon to the army, and we are glad to notice among commanding officers a growing wish to introduce athletic sports and amusements among their men. The most dangerous period of a soldier's life is in his second year, when the novelty has worn off, and he has emerged from the drill-sergeant's hands a thoroughly practical soldier, and has nothing to stimulate him to activity. Promotion, after all, is but rare, and the listlessness engendered by long hours of barrack lounging produces very evil results in the end. This is a point to which we should gladly see the attention of the Commander-in-Chief directed, for it is sad to see fine fellows at Aldershott lounging about in their huts, and sighing for something to do which would kill time. Many, we allow, devote their spare hours to reading, but there are many, on the other hand, who have not the privilege, and their life is by no means an enviable one. They are forced, in self-defence, into the public-houses that swarm in the village, and are there exposed to dangers of every description. Lastly, we consider that a wise supervision might be exercised over the non-commissioned officers. As a class, we are ready to admit that they are a most valuable body of men, and strive to do their duty honestly; but among them are tyrants, the more atrocious because their tyranny is of a petty nature. We believe that many a promising soldier has been driven to crime by the unceasing persecution of the man standing in immediate authority over him, who, having gained the good ear of his officers and the reputation of a smart soldier, can carry out his spite without danger of detection, for in most cases his story is good, even after the other has been told. There is nothing, however, which annoys a soldier more than the consciousness of having been unjustly punished, and should this happen more than once, he is apt to consider that if he is a marked man he may as well commit the crime of which he was before wrongfully accused. The downward career of such a man may always be predicted; after two or three visits to the guard-room, and the knowledge that he is a notorious man, he usually commits some gross offence, fearing the punishment for which, he deserts. He is captured, and being a marked man, he is flogged, and from that moment is a worthless soldier. He deserts again, but this time, determined to get rid of the odious trammels, he commits some offence which renders him amenable to the civil power. We firmly believe that the unsuspected tyranny practised by ignorant and brutal non-commissioned officers is the cause of nine-tenths of the offences committed in the army, and a reform might surely be instituted here. Altogether, however, our army is a noble institution, and we should be willing to overlook a few failings in the consideration that it saves us that general conscription which is the rule of the Continent. Such a system we do not think could be possible in England, for it is so galling and spirit-crushing that our men would not endure it; they would emigrate, and thus rob the country of its thews and sinews. The annoyance, in its very mildest form, is felt by our volunteers, who, without any legal obligation, sacrifice so much of their time for the welfare of the state; but that is far from coming up to the vexation entailed by the forced system, no matter whether Prussian or French. The knowledge that all must serve, without distinction of rank or temperament; the fetters produced by such a system, and the general despondency it creates in a nation, can only be appreciated by those who have watched its working in foreign countries. All thanks, then, to the public spirited volunteers, who have saved us from the ballot, which must have come in a few years, owing to the absolute necessity of having men to defend our shores. The Duke of Cambridge having taken the matter in hand so energetically, we may feel assured that the progressive improvement in our army will not halt. It is already acknowledged by continental writers to be in a wondrous state of efficiency, and represents a very respectable force, amply sufficient for the purpose required, that of defending our home and colonial possessions. England will never again engage in an aggressive or dynastic war; and whatever changes may take place on the Continent, it does not appear probable that we shall actively side with either party. Our government allowed the Treaty of Vienna, for which our forefathers fought so pertinaciously, to be cut through by a conqueror's sword, and the nation is in future absolved from the maintenance of that balance of power hitherto assumed to be indispensable for the welfare of England. Henceforth, our only object is to render invasion impossible, and there is only one nation that could attempt it; all we have to do, therefore, is to carefully watch the armed progress of that nation, and keep our preparations on a level with those across the Channel. In that way we may feel tolerably safe from aggression, and so long as we display a bold front, to repeat M. Esquiros, any European nation, no matter which, must think twice ere attacking us. If the political events on the Continent have caused us to appreciate the value of our army, it behoves us all, as good citizens, to do our utmost in raising that army to the highest pitch of efficiency. Materially, nothing more can be done than has either been introduced or promised; but morally, much remains unfinished. With the present requirements made on the private, he should no longer be regarded as a social pariah, but as a highly skilled mechanic. If he be rough and coarse, it is society after all that renders him so, for he is repulsed and forced to live with his fellows in barracks. The only way to remove this reproach from our brave fellows, is to elevate the character of the men who enlist, and to do this three things are necessary. In the first place, flogging must be at once abolished on all home stations; for, although no man can be flogged unless he richly deserves it, our working classes do not draw such nice distinctions, and are reluctant to enter a service where there is even a remote possibility of them enduring a degrading punishment. Secondly, all efforts should be concentrated on the education of the private soldier, for we do not believe that knowledge is antagonistic with military duties. Every man who is instructed in the rudiments, is, to a certain extent, saved from the influences of the canteen. Perhaps, though, the greatest reproach to us as a nation is, that there should be any among us who do not know how to read and write, and, moreover, this is an evil which is rapidly curing itself. Lastly, let such employment be found for the soldier when off duty, that time may never hang heavy on his hands, and we feel assured that his self-respect will be aroused, and he become in every respect a more valuable member of society, not merely regarded as a human machine, costing a certain sum, but as a member of the state, who has his allotted duties to perform, like every man in this work-a-day world. Under the old system, the soldier was regarded during peace as a necessary evil, kept in idleness till the dogs of war were unmuzzled, when his value was indicated; such a theory is now exploded, and honourable efforts are being made to help the soldier to moral elevation. Whether they will succeed, time alone can prove. In the mean while, however, we would strongly urge the removal or the troops from the temptations of London. Although the household. cavalry are most exemplary in their behaviour, the same cannot, unfortunately, be said of the Foot Guards. An increased police force could perform their ordinary duties, and on extraordinary occasions the railways could be safely left to forward the troops required. At the same time, the value of ground is so great in London that the improvement necessary in the barracks cannot be carried out satisfactorily, and the health of the men suffers in consequence. We are aware that this is not the time to recommend any further government outlay, but we consider that new suburban barracks would be more than paid for by the sale of the land in which our present town barracks stand. By the removal of the troops from London, individual excesses, which affect the character of the whole body, would be at once prevented, the soldier's health would be greatly improved, and the whole population would feel easier in the knowledge that one great cause of street disturbances has disappeared. We have not written in a carping spirit, for we have the welfare of the army most sincerely at heart. We have thought it our duty to indicate certain spots in the sun, but at the same time fully recognise the improvements already effected. In the belief that these minor defects only require ventilation to be removed, we take leave of the subject. In love 'twould much advance my suit TOM TALKATIVE, for once, sits mute- My poem's praised, but if one flaw Fastidious taste offends, FRIEND PUFF's review just "hits the raw" Oh, save me from my friends!" Engaged in speculation rash, Success on help depends; Rich R gives words, but gives no cash-— Oh, "save me from my friends!" "Ill news flies fast," and most when worst, Rumour its pinion lends; DICK TATTLE, breathless, tells me first- Though hate may make my feelings smart, My spirit never bends; But when ACHATES aims the dart- When to last home, on solemn bier, For hostile scoff may anger raise, But for "damnation with faint praise," When wreck of projects, fortune, fame, To sharpen pain by taunt or blame R. |