bill. Some of his friends however, insist that from the confusion that prevailed at the time and the ambiguity of some of the proceedings, his views and feelings have been misinterpreted. Be this as it may, it is right and proper that he should be fully and fairly located, that the people who now see him, as through a glass, darkly, may have a clear and distinct view of all his political features. The friends of the measure desire this exposition; its enemies cannot object to it. The fate of Rome and perhaps of Caesar may depend upon it. Cato. Jefferson Davis. Six months ago we expressed the wish of this section of the state to have Jefferson Davis on our next Congressional Ticket. Our wish has been gratified; and triumph and satisfaction rest on the countenance of every democrat among us. A native of our soil, a free-hearted, open, manly, bold Mississippian, and a Democrat to the core, he is destined to be the pride and ornament of our state. The circumstances under which he has been nominated render his nomination a double triumph, and exhibit a characteristic trait of the man. Upon a minor question of state policy (the Briscoe Bill) he differs from a large portion of the citizens of this part of the state; and that difference he had casually expressed. He was called upon anonymously to express himself publicly on the point. It not being a question in any way touching his acceptability as a member of Congress, (the station to which his friends were anxious to advance him) and the call being anonymous, he might with plausibility have entirely excused himself from replying; and most politicians perhaps, under the circumstances, believing as he did that his reply would inevitably destroy his prospects, would have remained silent. Not so with him. He was determined that no charge should every apply to him that he had kept back his opinions through policy; and under his instructions we, at this office, hastened our press in order that he should lay before the Convention his views upon this question which he thought would cause his defeat. But toleration and harmony-the spirit of casting aside minor and local considerations for the sake of securing soundness and honesty upon great national questions ruled the hour, he was nominated-and that by the votes of those differing with him upon this. Doubly triumphant is the securing of such a man in public life. It is a triumph of straight forward frankness and honesty over the intriguing, non-commitalism, and duplicity which we grieve to say has too much heretofore characterised our public men. We only bespeak for Mr. Davis the acquaintance of his fellow citizens. We only wish him to be known in other parts of the state as he is at home; and we know that he will become everywhere else as much beloved and esteemed as he is here. Jefferson Davis to George Bancroft.1 House of Reps. 12th. Dec. 1845 To the honble Secy of the Navy, Herewith I have the honor to transmit to you a recommendatory letter which with this I wish you to consider as an application in favor of John Royall Eggleston for a Midshipman's warrant in the U. S. Navy-Descended from a family of some distinction of spotless character the hope may be reasonably indulged that the present promise of the boy will be fulfilled in the man, and the service of the Country be more benefitted than the individual who is hereby offered to itIn addition allow me to add that (if) I am not misinformed) we of Mississippi have had less than our proportionate share of Navy appointments and respectfully asking your attention to the case of Mr. Eggleston, to subscribe myself yr. mo. obt. sevt. M. C. from Mi. 'Bancroft, George (1800-1891), an American historian, was born in Worcester, Mass., October 3, 1800; was graduated from Harvard college in 1817, received the degree of Ph. D. from Göttingen in 1820, and studied also at Heidelberg. He was tutor in Greek at Harvard college in 18221823; subsequently devoted his attention chiefly to history and political science; and advocated universal suffrage, 1826, as the true foundation of democracy. He was Collector of the Port of Boston from January, 1838, to November, 1841; Secretary of the Navy, 1845-1846; U. S. Minister to Great Britain, 1846-1849; U. S. Minister at Berlin 1867-1874. He died in Washington, D. C. January 17, 1891. As Secretary of the Navy, Bancroft was the founder of the Naval Academy at Annapolis, and gave the orders to the American Pacific Squadron to seize California in the event of hostilities with Mexico. He wrote the History of the United States from the discovery of the American continent (1834-1875). Consult M. A. DeWolf Howe, The Life and Letters of George Bancroft, 2 vols., 658 pp., New York, 1908. Speech of Jefferson Davis in the House of Representatives, December 19, 1845, on the Subject of Native Americanism and the Naturalization Laws. 1 MR. DAVIS, of Missouri (?) was opposed to the reference of these resolutions to a select committee on two grounds: and the first was, that, in his opinion, they deserved at the hands of this House no reference anywhere. They called upon Congress to purify the ballot-box. If the ballot-box was impure in Massachusetts, let her legislature look at home. Massachusetts had no right to inquire into its condition in other States. So far as the modification of laws for regulating elections went, it was no concern of Congress. And why did Massachusetts ask for an alteration in our naturalization laws-laws which had existed since the formation of the Constitution? When this country had declared that a man was not the natural and perpetual subject of the Government under which he was born, and had maintained and established the right of foreigners to expatriate themselves, it contended, of course, in that very act, for their right of admission here. And, if so, why did the gentlemen from Pennsylvania demand a select committee? Such a request proceeded on the presumption that the Judiciary Committee was wanting either in patriotism, fidelity, or legal learning; neither of which allegations Mr. D. had ever heard advanced in any quarter. And, if that committee was possessed of these qualifications, to that, as the law committee of this House, let the resolutions go. This was a question which deeply interested the people of his district. They, too, wanted a modification of our naturalization laws; but it was that they might be simplified, and that the process of naturalization might be more easily accomplished. So far as his own wishes, therefore, were concerned, he should rather be inclined to ask a select committee on the other side of the question. Much had been introduced in this discussion which was not referred to in these resolutions. A broad field had been thrown open, but here the ancient maxim, "Medio tutissimus ibis," would not hold. We must either make naturalization easy, or we must withhold it entirely; for if we admitted foreigners, and yet denied them the enjoyment of all political rights among us, we did but create enemies to our Government, This appears as "Missouri" in the record, but it is undoubtedly an error and should be Mississippi. and fill our country with discontented men. Let the principles of Native Americanism prevail, and the foreigner would look in vain for happiness and liberty on the American shore. He detested that party, above all others, for its sordid character and its arrogant assumption. Mr. D. here referred to a speech which had been made by a gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Rockwell) some days since, in which he had maintained that wherever slavery existed there the high moral character and perfectability of man was not to be found. Had the gentleman forgotten that both the Adamses, and Otis, and Gerry, and Hancock, had all sprung from a State which tolerated slavery? Would he deny to these men a high moral character? He had heard it maintained that the way to elevate the character and increase the prosperity of these States was to adopt the policy of excluding foreigners. As a commentary on that doctrine he would refer its advocates to the ancient empire of China, which had for centuries shut out all the world by her great wall and her exclusive laws. And what had been the result? She had been falling back behind all the other nations of the world in commerce and in power, until at last a little British squadron had been able to dictate terms to the most ancient and populous nation on the earth. He stigmatized this doctrine of exclusion as the doctrine of barbarism. Among savage nations a stranger was counted an enemy, and the same word designated both; but as civilization and every humanizing influence advanced and prevailed, the gates of admission were gradually thrown open. Like another celebrated system which had prevailed in this country, this barbarian doctrine of exclusion had been called "the American system. It was no such thing; it was the European system; but even there it was melting away before the dictates of common sense and a more enlightened policy. Even in France, that stronghold of the feudal system, foreigners were now permitted to hold real estate-England alone retained this blot on her national escutcheon. And should we imitate her in that which was her disgrace? Mr. D. here referred to the services of foreigners in our modern revolution; but though he would not affirm that without it we could not have achieved our freedom, still it furnished a strong reason why we should not shut our gates against those who came to us from abroad. Such a doctrine was never heard among the patriots of the Revolution, and never had he been more surprised than when he heard the name of Washington quoted in their support. Washington was born for no age and for no land; he stood out alone in his native grandeur, and was the boast and the property of the world. His correspondence was still extant in which he referred to his native land as an asylum for the oppressed; and in a letter to Mr. Jefferson had expressed his wonder that those who were oppressed in the Old World did not more frequently take refuge in the New. Was this the man whom Native Americans claimed as the bulwark of their exclusive policy? Much had been said about the Declaration of Independence. Did gentlemen forget that among its signers were to be found eight actual foreigners, and nine who were the immediate descendants of foreign parents? Mr. D. here made a reference, not distinctly heard by the reporter, to the adoption of Washington by the Irish as a son of St. Patrick, although he had no Irish blood in his veins. He concluded by expressing his hopes that the resolutions would not be referred to a committee who were professedly inimical to our foreign population. Albert G. Brown1 to Jefferson Davis. (From the Mississippi Department of Archives and History, Letter Book of Gov. A. G. Brown.) Executive Chamber Jackson Mi 11 Jany 1846 Col Jeffson Davis Sir Com Miss1 Regt. Mexico I send you under advice from the Secretary of War a lot of blank commissions to be used in supplying such vacancies as may be created among the officers under your command by death, resignation or otherwise, You will please advise me when you have occasion to use any of the blanks so that the Register here may be correctly kept I sent you some months since a similar package to this by 'Brown, Albert Gallatin (1813-1880), a political leader, was born in Chester district, S. C., May 31, 1813, removed to Mississippi, studied law and was admitted to the bar in 1834. He was a member of the Mis. sissippi House of Representatives from March 14, 1839, to March 3, 1841, and from March 4, 1847, to March 3, 1853; Governor of Mississippi 1844-1848; U. S. Senator from Mississippi from March 4, 1853 to January 12, 1861; a captain in the 17th Mississippi Volunteers; a senator in the first and second Confederate Congresses. He died at his home near Terry, Miss., June 12, 1880. |