who had a cordial appreciation or love for the freedom of the press? In our privileged ranks in this country we have collected the dregs of Absolutism, and we have thus an internal enemy which, in the hope of a little longer extension of its selfish rule, is too well inclined to encourage the Walewski design against the press. Every one who has been let into the secret of the aristocratical rule in England, knows that members of the privileged orders have a two-faced character. While in public debate we have fine patriotic words, and sometimes proper enough party deeds from our oligarchs, in private and as men they hold these matters cheap enough, and only intended as acting for the gullible public, as they think it. It is the fact of his entering into this secret understanding of our rulers that gives Louis Napoleon his influence over them. Hence both parties have hitherto courted him by means of their leaders. The people, though they flock to see a procession as a show, do not sympathise at all with their hitherto leaders in this; and it is not at all improbable that, in the coming series of struggles, we shall see this personal reliance on the heir of the once hated Bonaparte lead our oligarchs to their ruin as a governing body. But before that, they may try, as a last resort, to ruin the freedom of the press, and so make interest with one whom they already look upon as their last hope. This is no chimerical The Morn view of the subject. Let us look at the insidious attempt of the ing Post advocates a secret police in England. aristocratic organ, the Morning Post, to show, from such a bare incident as Foschini's escape, that we have deep political organisation, requiring a secret police to quell it. As our suffered aristocratic leaders bend towards the French centre of despotism, we shall expect a touch of the Continental machinery to be tried in our country. Truly we shall see strange political incidents. England must either assist itself, or become a French province. 14th May, 1856. ONE OF THE ENGLISH. AN ARISTOCRATICAL MILITARY BACKBITER. SIR,-In the Parliamentary report which appeared in The Dunne's ex towards Brodie. night's debate relative to army clothing appointments, is re- Colonel ported to have said "that I was not fit to be trusted as inspector traordinary of saddlery at Weedon Barracks, to which situation I have been conduct lately appointed by Lord Panmure." On reading Colonel Alexander Dunne's remarks I was very much surprised and hurt, as I had thought that my persecution was over. Being anxious to learn Colonel Dunne's reasons for his extraordinary conduct in this matter, I immediately came up from Weedon and waited upon him, and told him that his statement was cruel and untrue, as it tended to deprive me of the means of subsistence for my family. I also asked him what he knew of me (as I had never served under him) to cause him to put forth such a statement? The only reply he made was, "You had no business to interfere with officers in a duel." Now, as this is the only reason Colonel Dunne can advance for supposing me incompetent for the post of Inspector-Foreman of Saddlery, I am quite content to leave the public to form its own opinion of the merits of the case, merely adding that I have in my possession testimonials from general officers, colonels, captains, lieutenants, cornets, and also from wholesale saddlers' ronmongers, all giving me the highest character and testifying to my thorough acquaintance with saddlery. Your insertion of this letter will very much oblige, ALEXANDER BRODIE, Late Sergeant Saddler to the Royal Dragoon 4 Albance Hotel, 14, Hanover Street, Long Acre, 10th March, 1856. A GLORIOUS SUBVERSION NECESSARY FOR THE IMPRISONMENT FOR DEBT. To the Editor of the Morning Advertiser. tion of cruelty and misery in SIR, Having occasion to go the other day to one of her PerpetraMajesty's gaols for the imprisonment of debtors--honest and dishonest-my attention was attracted to a poor old man who sat moping in his little apartment, and was evidently suffering a Bastiles under great bodily depression and mental excitement. His case her Majes was a peculiar one. He had been confined there for a lengthened period, and the remedy of the Insolvent Debtors' Relief Act. did not apply. He could only be discharged by the opposite parties, and by them his liberation had been withheld. There was no fraud, dishonesty, or improper motive imputed to him; and still he was there, confined like a bird in a cage, deprived of the greatest blessing to a feeling and reflective mind-liberty. Englishmen Surely this should not be. The time is now coming when arreed Englishmen will demand and have, thanks to the glorious press forth the of this country, a reason for the laws by which they are to be governed; and, if no substantial reason can be demonstrated, they will not rest until those unreasonable laws be abrogated. to Lo'd cise of The ty truth, and justice. The whole system of the laws relating to debtor and creditor requires a careful and experienced supervision, in order to avoid the injustice which daily takes place, and the cruelty and misery which a short-seeing legislation is sure to inflict : See in yon room that eager aged man ; Oh, who can tell the anguish of that sori, That which liberty can a'one bestow? Shame, England! thus to keep the old man there, Open yon bars, and he's as fr as air; The wrinkles on his brow would quickly fado, O, sweet, sweet liberty! with thee we live, Hackney, March 18th, 1856. I am. Sir, yours, &c., LORD PANMURE AND THE HORSE GUARDS.-- To the Editor of the Morning Advertiser. SIR,-It is quite plain that Lord Panmure, the Horse Guards, and the rump of Lord Aberdeen's Cabinet, mean to throw the blame of all the calamities which befel our army, on the commissariat. And the reason also is plain. The Com missariat too labo aristocratio The commissariat source is not aristocratic. Its officers are the enlightened, high-spirited, well-educated sons of Englishmen; not the mere spawn, whether legitimate or illegitimate, rious for of toadies at Court, who have handles to their names. Com- spawn. missaries have no particular party to support them in Parliament; therefore they may be wronged, bullied, and insulted, as hard and fast as ministers like. Not only do the Government at home betray and insult them, but commanders abroad appear to take equal delight in this insolent and injurious spirit. Here is an instance : A commissary at head-quarters in the Crimea learnt that Sir G. Arey there was a considerable quantity of cattle in the valley of Cromwells Baidar, some fifteen miles off. Knowing how valuable this odors, would be to the army, he applied to Sir G. Airey for an escort of cavalry, to enable him to get the prize. Sir G. Airey gave no answer. The Commissary applied again, after a few days. Answer:-" Sir George is at dinner." As precious time was slipping away, after some few more days, Mr. Filder himself applied to Sir G. Airey. Answer:-" Communication shall be made to French head-quarters on the subject, for all prize must be equally shared.” a careful Nothing more was heard of this "communication" for a week. At the end of that time, an escort of cavalry was condescendingly given to the Commissary, who proceeded to Baidar. When he arrived there, not a head of cattle was to be found; SirG. Airey, for, as was to have been expected, whilst Sir G. Airey was "at guardian dinner," and holding dignified "communications with French of his head-quarters," the French had gone to Baidar and got posses- adid sion of every four-footed beast in the neighbourhood! airified Sir G. Airey is made Quartermaster-General of the of ho Army on his return to England, whilst Mr. Filder is received trous. with the cruellest coldness, and treated with scandalous and most unjust contempt, and charged with having starved the army. Yet the fort to Once more. No men could exceed the Commissaries in zealous discharge of their duties; they were in the saddle from morning to night; their assiduity in attending to the wants of the army was incessant; they did all they could to assist the wounded; they fearlessly exposed them.elves to the dangers of battle; yet it was not without difficulty that the War-Office A paltry 'clasp" grudgingly given by Lord Panmure, for well merit Scrupulous granted them "clasps" for the various engagements at which they were present. But Lord Panmure seems to have repented and felt uneasy, under the consciousness of having committed such an immoderate act of generous justice; and he, therefore, determined not to grant the Sebastopol clasp to the Commissaries employed on the spot, although they were often in the trenches exposed to the enemy's fire. When Lord Panmure has to provide for his own relations he ness of Lord is by no means so scrupulous. The best anecdote told by Panmure in providing for his own relations. Colonel Gordon lu dicrously unfit for his appoint ment. General Evans in his speech on Friday last was that which recorded Lord Panmure's telegraphic despatch to General Simpson, "Don't forget Dowb." General Evans found out afterwards that "Dowb" meant "Dowbiggin,"-a young officer. We can give General Evans a little more information about this "young officer," in whose welfare Lord Panmure took such a lively and tender interest. He happens to be the son of Lord Panmure's own sister! But so it is. Nepotism is the curse of the army. To family connexion and personal selfishness the blood of our countrymen and the honour of our country has been wantonly, treacherously sacrificed. Why was Colonel Gordon placed in such an eminent and important post, for which he showed himself so ludicrously unfit-a man as disqualified by repulsive manner, as by lack of ability, for his position? Why was this man thrust into such an important office in the army? Simply, and for no other reason, than because he was son to the then Prime Minister! And for all these countless acts of selfish and ruinous mismanagement of the army, the Commissariat are to be sacrificed, and the blame of all our calamities is to be thrown upon the shoulders of meritorious officers, for no other reason than because they are not "honourables" and "my lords." Will the people of England permit this to go on any longer? I am, Sir, your obedient servant, March 6th, 1856. A COMMON MAN. PRACTICAL REFORM. To the Editor of the Morning Advertiser. SIR,-It is high time that we "English People" did something practical in promoting that improved condition of society |