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puted infusion of ancient Federalism into his Democracy. He is now fighting the battles of Republican liberty. The Senator has gone over to Philip and his Macedonian phalanx.

Mr. President, I protest against the effort of the Senator to identify the cause of banks and bank monopolies with the State Governments. It is true, that the States have been by degrees entrapped into excesses upon this subject. They have been caught in the toils of associated wealth. But many of them have seen their error, and are retracing their steps. The free banking system, either by its success or its failure, will, I hope, extricate State legislation from the pernicious influence which has too long been exercised over it by the banking power.

But, the Senator asks, do not the State laws prohibit State officers from holding Federal appointments? Does not the Federal Constitution prohibit certain officers from being elected to seats in this or the other branch of Congress? And are not these disqualifications? Sir, I am surprised that an argument so inapplicable to the enactments of this bill should have been advanced by any Senator on this floor. The Federal Constitution, the State laws, do prohibit, as they ought to prohibit, the same individual from holding incompatible offices. They do not punish him for speaking or acting at elections.

The honorable Senator from Virginia charges a high officer of the Government with the avowal of the principle, that in making appointments, he selects his political friends alone. No Administration could be successfully conducted, without a general adherence to this principle. He accuses another high officer of interfering in an election in South Carolina. Sir, what are the facts? I am informed that the friends of a candidate for Congress in that State [Mr. LEGARE] attempted to influence votes in his favor, by representing the Secretary of War to be his friend. A gentleman addressed a letter to the Secretary on the subject, and inquired whether the candidate in question was a supporter of the Administration. The answer was, that Mr. Poinsett did not regard him as such. Naw, sir, while the name of the Secretary could be clandestinely used on the side of the Conservative candidate, it was all right and proper; but the moment that the Secretary of War was forced into the declaration that he did not regard the gentleman as a friend of the Administration, then the honorable Senator sees in the conduct of that high officer an interference in elections dangerous to public liberty!

The honorable Senator from Virginia has renounced the principles of Democracy. He said in his speech last evening, that he was not a Democratic Republican, that he did not belong to the Democracy of the country. Sir, I thank him for making the avowal. He has thrown off the mask. He is not of the people. He is against being governed by the people. We shall now understand him. He has changed sides. He has appropriately placed himself in the society of those gentlemen so far advanced in life, that they disclaim the knavery of Democracy. The Senator declares that Democratic Republicanism does not belong to the soil of Virginia. Sir, I think I have a right to pronounce the allegation a libel upon her character. Democratic principles, the binding authority of the people, the doctrine of the equal and inalienable rights of the people, subsist no where in greater force than in Virginia. Sir, the Senator has retrograded behind the spirit and principles of the age. Democracy, radical Democracy, as near an approach as possible to the enforcement of the popular will, is the spreading light of the times. It is a principle dear to every true Republican.

Sir, permit me, in the language of a late eloquent writer, to say to the Senator, that this principle “ lies at the foundation of all our institutions.” The party must become truly Democratic. “It must go for the whole people; against all monopolies; against all exclusive privileges; against all aristocratic measures; in favor of mild and equal laws; in favor of equal rights, of education, literature, arts, and philosophy. It must plant itself upon the essential equality of man; upon the fact, that there is something divine in every man. It must be ever on the side of freedom; sympathize with the oppressed, with all who are struggling for their rights. It must be high-toned and moral; confiding in the people, and still more in the immortal vigor of truth and justice.” Sir, the man who renounces these principles may well declare, that he does not belong to the Democracy of the country. “Parties, merely as parties,” says the same profound writer, “are nothing to the masses. Individuals, as individuals, are nothing to them. A Clay, a Webster, a Van Buren, a Calhoun, are nothing to them, any further than they are impersonations of great principles. Show them that this or that man embodies in himself the cause of raillions; that in raising him to office the cause of the million is secured, and then, as the representative of that cause, does he become of importance.” And let me add, sir, in the prophetic spirit of the same author, that if the present Chief theless feel inclined to imitate the errors of Foa. It is to be deplored as a blot upon the character of a great roon, as a precedent which strikes at the foundation of political morality, and as a weapon in the hand of those who would destroy all confidence in the honesty of public men.” Mr. President, let me console the honorable Senator in his new position, which he has sufficiently defined to render it quite intelligible, with a quotation from the defence made for himself by Mr. Fox. “If,” said that statesman, “men of honor can meet on points of general national concern, I see no reason for calling such a meeting an unnatural junction. It is neither wise nor noble to keep up animosities forever. It is neither just nor candid to keep up animosity when the cause of it is no

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The honorable Senator passes a glowing eulogy upon England and English institutions, and declares that we have derived from that glorious country, and her magna charta and bills of rights, all that is valuable in our institutions. Sir, when { heard his extravagant encomium pronounced upon the British institutions and the British GoVernment, I was prepared to expect any change on his part. I could not be surprised at his renunciation last night of the principles of Democracy. That I may not be accussed of mis pprehending the Senator on this subject, I beg leave to read the version of his remarks given by his friend in the Baltimore Patriot. Baltimore opposition journals have, of iate, become good authority with the honorable Senator. “Mr. Wall,” says the reporter, “with the genuine spirit of a demagogue, had Sneered at the legislation of England affording a precedent for this bill; and said, ‘such a plant may be indigenous in such a soil.’ Mr. Rives noticed this remark, and repelled the Sheer and the

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more. It is not my nature to bear maliee, or to live in ill-will. JMy friendships are perpetual; my enmities are not.” The honorable Senator has sufficiently demonstrated that his enmities are not perpetual. Whether his friendships are so, I leave to the decision of those who have so long, and so painfully, listened to his denunciations of the measures of his former party friends, witmessed his gradual change of principle in important respects, and seen his adoption of the very language of the Opposition in relation to the exercise of the Executive veto by President Jackson.

Sir, the animation and perseverance of the Senator, in his hostility to his early friends, are worthy of a better cause. The Senator from New York, two days ago, called up his bill to protect the public moneys in the hands of receiving and disbursing officers. In the face of the prophetic declaration of the Senator from Pennsylvania, assented to by the Senator from Massachusetts, that another bank explosion must soon take place, the gentleman, quick as thought, rose in his place, and offered a substitute to the bill, requiring the public money to be deposited in banks. The second failure of the Mobile Branch Bank, with more than a half million of the funds of the Government in its custody, is disregarded by the Senator, and he seems determined again to place us at the mercy of banks.

The Senator tells us that he has not changed his principles, nor deserted his party. They have abandoned their principles. He stands where he has always stood. Sir, how often have you and I heard excuses of this sort urged in justification of apostacy? Why, sir, the Senator has become the leader of the party on the other side of the Senate. He has put himself into the front ranks of the Opposition. He is their child and their champion. But he denies that he has entered into any coali

tion with them. I know not that he has made written stipulations with them, but we must judge the tree by its fruit; his bears that only which is palatable to them.

The Senator from South Carolina [Mr. PRESTON] alleges that the principle of this bill is “to prevent the interference of certain Federal officers in elections,” and that the report of the committee ought to have recommended a bill to enforce that principle. Sir, all this sophistry to blind the people to the real character of the bill can be of no avail. The principle of the bill is to deter certain public officers from speaking, writing, or publishing their sentiments on any subject having a bearing upon elections, under the penalty of five hundred dollars fine, and perpetual disability to hold any place or station under this Government. The character of the bill is that of an invidious, odious, unconstitutional prohibition of thousands of the freemen of this nation from the exercise of those rights which belong to all our citizens. The bill is a di. rect attack upon the free and independent exercise of the elective franchise.

The Senator repeats a trite remark, that the young man who is not a Democrat is a fool, and that the old man who is a Democrat is a knave. Well, sir, the honorable Senator is neither young nor old. What, then, is he in politics? I should like to hear him define his position.

Sir, the Senator from Kentucky closed his re. marks by an appeal to the patriotism and pride of this body. He implored us to sanction this bill, that it might stand among the recorded honors of the Senate, as a monument to its wisdom and virtue, in all time to come. He desired that this Hall might become the honored place where this great sacrifice should be made. Mr. President, this Senate is composed of the ambassadors of the several States, specially sent here as the guardians of their reserved rights and sovereignty. If they were to sanction this bill, they would be faithless to their trust; they would authorize the infraction of the exclusive powers of the States, the liberties of the people, and the independence of the citizen. They would, indeed, render this Hall the dishonored place, where that monstrous sacrifice would be made. And the extinction of individual freedom, the obliteration of the traces of State sovereignty, and the humiliation of the character of this Senate, would constitute a monument of its contempt for the Constitution of its country, and of its degrading subserviency to the domineering will of a party minority, in all ages to come,

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