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of the elective franchise; for the overthrow of all others put together, would not so much endanger our liberties. It is the highest duty that every citizen owes to himself, to his country, to the memory of his ancestors, to their blood and treasure spilled and expended in the great revolution by which we were redeemed; and, above all, to those who are to come after him, to preserve this franchise in it pristine purity, and to transmit it unsullied to posi terity.

My mext object is to show that the elective franchise has been basely violated, and the ballot-box most corruptly abused. If I can do that, I will have shown good reasons why this bill should pass, or some other one that will prevent such abuse and such corruption hereafter.

I have stated that our constitutions and laws have defined the manner in which the elective franchise shall be used, as well as who shall be entitled to its exercise; and the same rules prohibit its use in any other way than those prescribed, and by any other persons than those designated. For this purpose, election precincts are established in every county in every State in the Union. By the wisdom of our law-makers, those precincts are small; they have also provided for the appointment of a class of officers called judges of election, whose duty it is to know of themselves, or by information, all persons who are or are not entitled to the use of the elective franchise. The judges are sworn to receive no vote from the hand of any one not entitled to a vote within the precinct, and to reject all votes from persons living without the precinct, whether citizens of the State or the United States, or not. The object of those provisions and guards is to secure the elective franchise from abuse. Our constitutions and laws have peculiarly guarded the States from interference with each other in privilege or the abuse of the ballot-box; , and all elections are declared void which are vitiated by illegal votes—whether by illegal votes from the hand of those who have no right to vote, or, having a right to vote, vote in the precinct, county, or State, other than that designated as the proper place to vote. It is now my purpose to show that the elective franchise has been violated in all the particulars which I have mentioned, but more especially by persons voting in States, counties, and precincts, in which they had no right to vote, and in violation of express laws regulating elections, and defining the privileges of elections; and it is to prevent a repetition of such violations hereafter, and in all time, that # have introduced this bill. It would seem that the framers of the federal constitution had a presentiment of the possibility of the abuse of the elective franchise, in the very manner and by the very means by which it has been violated: hence they reserved the means to the federal Congress of preventing such an evil. .

H hold in my hand the constitution of the United States. The fourth section of the first article reads thus:

“The times, places, and manner of holding elections for senators and representatives shall be prescribed in each State by the legislature thereof; but the Congress may at any time, by law, make or alter such regulations, except as to the place of choosing senators.”

A part of article second, section first, reads thus:

“The Congress may determine the time of choosing the electors, and the day on which they shall

relation to the

give their votes, which day throughout the United States.” And these, sir, are the constitutional authorities for the passage of the bill now under consideration. There never was a time, nor will there ever be a time, when it will be more proper for Congress to interfere and assert its constitutional authority in this matter than at this time. It would seem, with the knowledge which we possess of the wholesale frauds and unvarnished treason that were practised in 1838 and '40, that it is an imperious duty which we owe to our situation, to the country, and the oath we have taken, to pass some law which will arrest a repetition of such frauds. I would be excusable in the mere assertion of the frauds upon the ballot-box, and violation of the elective franchise, practised in the elections of those years, so well are they known, and so firmly are they fixed in the eonvictions of this wide-spread community; but I have promised proofs and exposés, so i proceed to present some of them. I say some of them, for I have neither time nor space to to give even those I have more than a bird’s-eye glance, nor have I had time or opportunity to collect the one-thousandth part. f I hold in my hand a book. It is the journal of an investigating committee raised and authorized by the legislature of Ohio to investigate a contest between J. C. Wright, contestor, and G. W. Holmes, contestee, (all of the county of Hamilton,) who were candidates for the Ohio Senate at the annual election of 1840—the former as rank a blue-light federal whig as ever justified the Hartford convention, or worshipped a coon; the latter as pure and as firm a locofoco anti-bank Jeffersonian democrat as ever bore the name, or “skinned a koon;” both clever fellows, and highly respectable citizens in every personal and private sense. Holmes was the successful candidate; Wright contested his seat; and this book contains the evidence disclosed by the contest. It is a large book; it contains four hundred and twenty pages; and every page, from the title-page to the last page, is crowded in close lines and small type, with evidence of the basest frauds on the elective franchise. Well as the frauds of 1840 are understood, this book discloses frauds beyond suspicion,

shal be the same

and almost beyond comprehension. Did not owe it to my conscience, to my country, and to my office, and this con

stitution, which I have bound myself, with uplifted hand, and in presence of my God, to support, for the honor of my country, and for the character of our republican institutions at home and abroad, I could wish this book, and all such evidence of frauds practised in that memorable 1840, were among the things that never were. But the evidence is here in books; it has a place in the knowledge and recollection of the people in this country; and it is matter of taunt and boast in other countries. So, our best plan is to use it, and expose it, to prevent a repetition of such frauds. Sir, I have evio dence indisputable that mot less than seven hundred voters were imported into the single county of Hamilton, at the election of 1840, to defeat the democratic ticket by a regular, organized system of swindling and pipelaying. A part of the evidence is. contained in the journal to which I have referred; a part in the acknowledgments of those who partici

pated in the frauds, not only as workers and conductors of the imiquity, but as voters also; but a larger part in letters which I received from persons. | residing in the interior of the State of Ohio, and several other western States—letters received before the election, informing me that arrangements were making by the whigs to send voters by companies to defeat my election, and letters received after the election, informing me that companies had been sent, had voted, and boasted of having done their part to defeat “bully Duncan.” I have said that I have neither time nor space to display but a small part of this mass of evidence. I can only present one of the most glaring iterms, and merely allude to the balance. Pipelayers flocked from other district, and other States—some on foot, some on horseback, some on mules, by wagon-loads, by stageloads, and by steamboat-loads. My time will only permit me to notice the steamboat-loads. I will ask the clerk to read the following deposition, The clerk read: 57.--DEPOSITION OF JAEFFERSON PEAK. in the matter of the contested election, where the seat of George W. Holmes, in the Senate of the State of Ohio, is contested by an elector of Hamilton county, the said George W. Holmes appeared by his attorney, Thomas J. Henderson, at the clerk's office of the Gallatin circuit court, in the town of War. saw, county of Gallatin, State of Kentucky, on the second day of December, 1840, agreeably to the aonexed notice, and adjourned over until to morrow morning, December 3, 1840, as endorsed on said notice. DECEMBER 3, 1840. Met pursuant to adjournment, when Jefferson Peak, a wit. mess, produced on the part of said George W. Holmes, who being duly cautioned and sworn, deposes and says: Question by Thos. J. Henderson, attorney for George W. Holmes.-Please to state if you know of any person or persons taken to Cincinnati to vote at the State election held on the 13th of October last; and if you know any thing about it, state all you know in relation to them? Answer by Deponent.-I went or board the steamboat Mail, at this place, on the night previous to the State election in Ohio, for Lawrenceburg, Indiana, on business for Messrs. Peake and Roberds, of this place. On going aboard, I found the boat so touch crowded, that there was no possible chance for sjeep, either on the floor, or in a state-room or berth. As there were so many persons on board, oyer and above places for sleep, including the floor, myself, with a number of others, were compelled to sit up all night, or nearly so. I did get to I's down a short time before, day by Occupying another man's place on the floor, which he had just left. . . . 3. During the night on our way up, nearly all the conversation seemed to be in relation to the Ohio election, that was to take place on the next day; and a great portion of the passengers that I saw that night did not have the appearance that cabin passengers usually have, though I did not see anything like all the passengers were on board, as I got off of said boat about daylight, at Lawrenceburg; and a great portion of them were in bed when I went on board, as every place seemed to be crowded; and the greater portion of those 1 saw seemed to be more like ruffians than otherwise, And when the boat stop. ped at Lawrenceburg to put me out, they sent me ashore in the yawl, and I had to pass through the lower deck to get to the yawl, and there appeared to be a great many persons on deck as well as in the cabin. * * & * After remaining in Lawrenceburg a short time—probably one-and a half hour, I left for Cincinnati, Ohio, on board the steamboat Indiana, where we arrived about 10 o'clock on the morning of the day of the election in said. State. During which day, in passing through the city of Cincinnati, I saw several advertisements sticking up in different places, purporting to want hands to go on the Green river locks to work, to the number of one or two hundred hands. This advertisement stated that they wished all the hands that would conclude , to go, to be ready on the wharf on Wednesday morning, the 14th of October, ready to go on board the mail boat, for which so much per month will be given—the amount not recollected. On my arriving at the mail boat, General Pike, next morning, I saw an unusual number of persons on board said boat, General Pike; and also a large number on the wharf and wharf boat opposite the said steamboat General Pike. I also saw a man on the wharf, with a sheet of paper in one hand, which appeared to contain a number of names, and a number of bank bills in the other, and seemed to be settling with a number of men on the wharf before the boat left, and the same man, with the aid of another, continued to settle and pay a number of men and boys, or youths, on board of said boat, after she fest the wharf. And after we had left the city of Cincinnati, and proceeded down stream. Some 3 x or eight miles, Mr. E. F.

Calhout, of Mississippi, and

myself, were in converga, tion on the politics of the day, and during which time a gentleman by the name of George Buell, of Lawrence. burg, game up to us in the cabin of said boat, and asked me if I had noticed what was going on on board of the boat. I answered that I did not know of anything strange. He then asked me if I had not observed a man paying off men on the boat ever, since she had left the shore. I answered I had, before she left and since. He asked me if I knew what it meant. I told him I supposed that it was an individual who had beet, to Cincinnati to engage hands to go on the Green river locks. {He immediately informed me that it was a man paying off perSons for going to Cincinnati to vote for Pendleton. I said to him, it can’t be possible. lie replied, come with me, and I will prove it to you, or I will satisfy you, I do not recollect which. He then started, as well as I recollect, towards the crowd, when they were assembled at or near one end of the cabin of said boat, I called or spoke to him to stop, which he did. I then remarked to him [Buellj and Mr. Calhoun, and requested them to be cautious, and we would find them out. About this time the crowd appeared to move forward, and assemble again on the boiler deck, in front of the cabin. We three ther, proceeded near the crowd. I went up in the crowd, and observed one masa sitting on the railing of the boat, and some ten or fifteen around him; the one sitting seemed to be making calculations; and he asked one of the men how much did they owe him, or how much was his bill; he replied, Sunday, Monday,Tuesday, and Wednesday. The man remarked, that was making the calcula. tion, that he ought not to charge for Sunday, as he could not make anything in Louisville on Sunday. He remarked that he was to have a dollar per day for every day, Sunday incłuded, and board in the city of Cincinnati. Just at that time the man sitting down observed me looking on; and some individual who stood by holding a sheet of paper in his hand, with a large number of names (on the same; and the individual who sat of, tke rail observing me looking on the same, he immediately snatched the paper in the other man's hand, and tore the same in two; and remarked, at the same time, by G–d he did got want every man to see that paper. The whole crowd then moved their stand to near the wheelhouse; and there, as before, appeared to proceed to settle with divers individuals. They seemed to come up from the deck of said boat into the cabin in crowds of from 10 to 15 in number; and after they got through settling, and a portion of them receiving their money, they would disperse and go below, and another crowd come up, They continued in this way, I think, until about one o'clock, p. m. of said day; during which time { did not fully satisfy myself about the matter. I then went to the clerk of the boat, who was at that time a stranger to me; I asked him how many men were there on board that had been carried to Cincinnati to vote. He laughed, and remarked that he did not know. . I asked him who settled for their passage. He pointed out to me a man, rather an elderly looking man: ; afterward found out his name to be William Stewart, from himself. I asked the clerk of the boat if he had a list of their names. He said yes; there lay a paper on his desk, I asked if that was the one. He said it was. I then took it in my hand, and then laid it dowu again, as I thought it

would not be prudent to open it, as I had picked it up of my he did that, they would take his life; and that he was afraid to, and did not wish to be brought into any scrapes about the election; that they were a set of Swindlers and cut throats, and woud steal the Coat off a man’s back. Some time after dinner, for the first time, I saw the man (Stewart) alone, who had been, through the day, sitting with the men. it was just before we arrived at Aurora, or Rising Sun, I think the son mer; and some of the persons on board had painted or marked on a board the whig majority in Hamilton county and city” of Cincinnati. I stepped up to him and remarked, that we soon would have a fine huzza; and in a few moments, the persons on the shore, at the before mentioned town, saw the result of the vote on the board, amd raised a tremendous huzza, He remarked to me, at the same time, and said, is it not a great victory to beat such a scoundrel and villain as Duncan? I obs served, that I thought that the party had gone to greater lengths to beat Duncan than any one of the party. He said yes; for he was the greatest scoundrel in the world, as well as I recollect. 1 at that moment laid my hand on his shoulder and, observed, old fellow, if it had not have been for you, that we never would of beat them in the world. To which he replied, beat indeed! No indeed, said he, if it had not of been for the votes that I carried to Cincinnati, that Duncan would of beaten them to death. I asked him, how in the devil did you manage so as not to be found out? What ward did they vote in? He remarked, that he divided them out, and carried seven or eight at a time, and voted in different wards, and his friends helped him, and a por. tion of them voted in the third ward. I asked him is he carried as many as eighty or a hundred; and he remarked, that he car. ried more than either; and remarked more than once that he carried more than Pendleton’s majority. And, I suppose, there was eighty or a hundred on board that day, and, probably, over that number. Stewart also informed that he was the man that beat Merrywether, in Jefferson county, Kentucky, who ran, at the August election, for a seat in the legislature of Kentucky. I asked him how he managed. He told me that he took the men from the city of Louisville, and carried them to Six Mile island, and there kept them several days, and eat, drank, and slept with them, antil Monday of the election, and then carried them over into Jefferson county, and there got them to vote, and in that way he heat Mierry Wether. He also stated that the whigs did not treat him well at Cincinnati; for they did not give him but seventyfive dollars to pay the men with, I asked him who gave him that. He said that the Tippecanoe club gave it to him, of Cin. cinnati, And he remarked, that he had paid out tet dollars of his own money, and that he could not pay them off until he got to Houisville. I asked him if they were a making any noise about their pay, and he said no; that he had just been below and treated thern to a dollar’s worth of drink. He also stated that he never eat until they eat. He also stated that they eat in the cabin, and part of them slept in the cabin and part on deck. He told me that he knew how many men it would take, and they were determined to have them. I noticed, at dinner, when the men came to the table, that it was easy to distinguish them from the rest of the passengers, or, that is, the most of them. Mr. Shephard of this place, the editor of the Warsaw Patriot, a decided whig paper, and as much so as any in the State, was on bot rô, and I called on him to notice the men, and called his attention to a great many of the circumstances herein detailed. And I do further state, that I went to the house where Shep. hard stopped, with an officer, on this day, for the purpose of bringing said Shephard before the justice for the purpose of taking his deposition, but he could not be found. The said Stewart informed me that he would have no difficulty in getting the money on his arrival at Louisville. I asked him if they did pay him well for his thouble. He said he did not charge anything, only his money back; that what he done he done free of charge. I asked him how many went up on the steam . boat Mail; I think he told me between eighty and one hundred. i asked him who had charge of those on the Mail, and he informed me that Russell had; and I think he said Captain Russell. asked him if they swore the men that he carried up to vote, and he told me nearly all of them. He told me that he told them, when they came on board the boat at Louisville, what they should have if they voted, and if they did not vote, they well knew what they would get. And further this depo.

own accord. I then went to several of the men, and asked them. a great many questions; where they lived. They all said (that I talked with, but two exceptions) that they were citizens of Louisville, Kentucky; the other two lived in Indiana, one in Jeffersonville, the other in Indianapolis. These men on board of the Pike (with but few exceptions) seemed to be a set of cut. throats and ruffians. One of them was pointed out to me by one of the head officers of the boat, who observed that, while he (the officer) was lathering his face, that fellow stole his razor. And another one was pointed out to me by a whig passenger, who observed that he was sold under the vagrant act at St. Louis for six bits. I then called on an individual on board of said boat, (Pike.) who belonged to the steamboat Mail, by the starrie of Robert Edmason, a nephew of mine, and ask. ed him what he was oping on the Pike, and why he was not on the steamboat Mail. He observed that he had stay. ed at Cincinnati to vote, and was then going to his home, which is about six miles from Warsaw, in Kentucky. I asked him why he would vote in Ohio, or any where else, when he well knew he was not old enough. He said he knew that. I asked him if he swore to his vote, . He said he was too smart for that; he said when he was in Louisville that yonder man (pointing to William Stewart) came to him on the wharf at Louisville and offered him and another man a dollar apiece per day, and pay their expenses to Cincinnati and back, if they would go and vote the whig ticket. And after chatting some time with said Stewart, he (Edmason) said he would see him (Stewart) damned first, before he would vote for money; but that they both be. longed to the steamboat Mail, and were going to Cincinnati, and intended to vote the Whig ticket, i asked Edmasen if he joted the whig ticket, and he said he did. I then asked the said Ed. mason to give me all the magnes that he knew that had voted. *Hegal votés; to which he refused, stating as his reason that, is

nent saith not. JEFFERSON PEAK. Sworn to and subscribed before us, this 3d day of December,

1844),

B. TILLER, J. P. G. C.

JAS. F. BLANTON, J. P. G. C. Commigrwealth of Kentucky, Gallatin county, set:

The foregoing deposition of Jefferson Peak was this day taken,

subscribed, and Sworn to by the said Jefferson Peak, before the indersigned, two of the Commonwealth justices of the peace within and for the county of Gallatin, State of Kentucky, at the time and place, and for the purpose stated in the caption there. of, and the notice hereunto annexed. The said Jefferson Peak

being duly sworn, and the question propounded, did, in our

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But as I have said those frauds were not confined to Hamilton county, they were wide spread, and never can be but partially exposed. I hold in my hand an exposé of the frauds practised in Philadelphia, as corrupt and as alarming as those which I have partially exposed, as practised in Hamilton county. I also hold in my hand the Glentworth frauds as practised in New York, which can only be equalled in infamy by those which I have named. The limits of a speech will not permit any thing more than a mere synopsis of those frauds. I will ask the clerk to read some extracts exposing the more glaring abuses practised in Philadelphia. } will also ask the clerk to read some short extracts of the Glentworth frauds in New York. The clerk read them.*

Mr. Speaker, I have nothing to say of the political crime, and moral depravity involved in holding a seat on this floor, obtained by such means as those disclosed by these reports, only so far as I and my constituents are concerned. The individuals who it is said were returned to this House by this system of fraud, were Charles Naylor of Philadelphia; Edward Curtis, Moses Grimmell, Ogden Hoffman, and James Monroe of New York; and N. G. Pendleton of Ohio. How many more have been returned I know not, nor is it my present purpose to inquire, (except as to the member from Ohio.) Of them [leave others to speak, with the single remark, that present honor gained by such frauds and treason will be future infamy and contempt. But I repeat, that I have Something to say of these frauds as connected with those I have the honor to represent. The people of the first congressional district of Ohio had no representative in the 27th Congress of their choice. N. G. Pendleton, esq. of Cincinnati, bore the governor’s certificate, with the broad seal of Ohio; and by virtue of that certificate and broad seal he appeared and took his seat here: but he was no representative of the people of the district which the broad seal represented him to be. He was the representative of a minority of the people of the first congressional district of Ohio, and ruffians, thieves, and cut-throats of Kentucky, and of other States and counties without the district of his residence; and if Mr. Pendleton held a seat here, knowing those facts, he held it in the guilt of treason and in the crime of perjury. He may not have known them, though every body else in the world beside knew them. Mr. Pendleton, in all the frauds, perjuries, briberies, and treasons which characterized the elections of 1840, all over the Union, but more especially in the Ohio first congressional district, may have been a political automaton, or mere man-machine, and, like Balaam’s ass, moved merely as he was kicked into passive action and obedience. If so, he must be discharged from any imputation of immorality or crime, and the charge placed to his stupidity. i undertake to say there was not one dollar short of fifty thousand expended in and out of Hamilton county, to secure the election of the whig candidate of that district; and no man who has a character for truth and veracity, and who wishes to maintain that character, and who is acquainted with the circumstan

*The Philadelphia and New York frauds are not inserted for want of room.

ces, will undertake to deny that assertion. That vast sum was expended in consummation of the frauds which you have seen and heard disclosed. Mr. Pendleton may not have advanced one dollar, nor one mill, of all that sum. Though one of the richest men in the city of Cincinnati, or the State of Ohio, himself, and more immediately interested than all others, he may not have advanced one dollar to secure his own election, which was secured by a system of swindling which no agency but money would have secured, and no sum less than that which I have named would have been sufficient; yet, I repeat, he may not have advanced one dollar for such an infamous purpose, to secure such an infamous end. The liberality of his federal party friends, in their zeal to overthrow the democratic party, and to defeat the democratic candidate, may have done all without his knowledge, and without his pecuniary assistance. That position is hard to believe. Mr. Pendleton was in the centre of all he cavalcades, coon conventions, and drunken orgies which disgraced Hamilton county, demoralized society, and debased the character of civilized man; and it is difficult to believe (and almost irreconcilably so) that he could have known nothing of the frauds and the means by which his election was to be secured. - . Mr. Pendleton is in a dilemma; he may hang to which horn he pleases, or on whichever his friends please to hang him. He must either stand charged with jackassical stupidity, which, if true, rendered him unfit for a seat in this hall, as the representative of any party, or anybody, even the cut-throats, thieves, and ruffians of Kentucky; or, on the other hand, if he knew of, and participated in, the frauds by which he was elected, or gave countenance to hem, or aided them by pecuniary means, he was unfit to hold a place here or elsewhere, except on the gibbet, due to the traitor, or in a cell within the gloomy walls of a penitentiary, due to perjury. I invent nothing; I have presented the evidence as it came to me—as I received it from the highest tribunal in our State. I draw no other conclusions than every person, bound and governed by correct principles of morality and patriotism, must draw. For myself, I declare, in presence of my Maker and this assembly, to whom I am responsible here, and to whom I must answer hereafter for every idle and profane word spoken, that I know of no crime or crimes in my State which would consign me, handcuffed and shackled, to the penitentiary and to eternal infamy, in the commission of which I would feel more degraded in the estimation of man, more wounded in my own conscience, and more offensive before God, than those by which I believe Mr. Pendleton held a seat in this hall. I mean the crimes of bribery and treason by which his certificate was purchased, and the perjury which was committed in the oath which he took at the threshold of his representative duties, to support the constitution, which constitution he violated by taking his seat here, and which he continued to violate every minute—every moment—while he occupied it. Still, of all this, I repeat, Mr. Pendleton may have been innocent. It is not for me to judge, nor do I feel at liberty to judge. Human judgment, I suppose, if a voluntary act, and the power under our control; or why should the Supreme Judge of the universe have ordered us to “judge not lest ye be judged.” Knowledge is founded on the evidence of things seen, and therefore is not to be controlled by either the mind or the will, Faith and belief are conclu

sions we draw from the evidence of things not seen, and are irresistible. Faith and belief are not controlled by the will, hence the maxim, “we are bownd to believe.” So it is with those who witnessed the election frauds of 1840, in Hamilton county, to secure the certificate of election to Mr. Pendleton. They are bound, irresistibly, to believe that he had

some hand in them, and consequently guilty to the

same extent of the moral and political crimes which I have attached to him, or any one holding a seat here under such circumstances. Let no one charge me with taking advantage of parliamentary privilege, or of the high mountains, broad valleys, and wide rivers which seven hundred miles distance interposes between me and Mr. Pendleton and his friends. I have taken no such advantage. I hold myself responsible in my individual capacity for all I say here or elsewhere, whether in a private or representative capacity; and moreover, I repeatedly, and to assembled hundreds, and assembled thousands, in every part of Hamilton county, and within hearing of Mr. Pendleton's door, (if not in his presence, it was because he would not come to hear me,) made all the charges, and in as strong terms, and with similar language as I am now doing, both against Mr. Pendleton and his active partisans; and I shall continue to do so at home and elsewhere, so long as the crimes, frauds, briberies,treasons, and corruptions of 1840 shall stick to his and their skirts, and cover their entire carcasses. I fear no accountability; I speak nothing but the truth; } have the ability to maintain it. My constituents expect me to speak the truth, and the whole truth, and they know I will speak it so as to be understood. No speech or saying of mine shall ever lose force, if it have any, from want of strong language; I like to call things by their proper names. Mr. Speaker, i was as much the legal and constitutional representative of the people of the first congressional district in the 27th Congress as I am of this. ... I was elected in 1840 by a majority of more than five hundred of the legal voters of that district, and yet the returns showed a majority against me of one hundred and sixty votes, such were the numbers of imported voters—such the number of pipelayers, such the frauds. This statement may be called bold; if so, there is not an intelligent and true democrat in Hamilton county, but what will make or endorse it. I make it as well from a conscientious belief, as a knowledge of its truth. This knowledge and belief, with me, is founded on facts that came under my own knowledge and observation—on the facts which this journal discloses, a small part of which has been read to you—on the fact that, prior to the day of election, several of the wards in the city of Cincinnati were polled; every whig and democratic voter having a right to vote was counted by a committee for that purpose; and in every ward which was polled, the ballot-box showed the democratic vote to be almost precisely what the poli had shown it; but in every ward the ballot-box showed an increase of whig votes, over that polled, from fifty to two hundred and fifty. In 1840, there were but few changes in Hamilton county: some who acted with the democratic party turned to the whig side; some who had acted with the whigs turned to the democratic side. I believe the majority of changes were in favor of the democracy. But little was gained to either party by changes. But I ask your attention to another fact in support of this assertion, and that is this—that in the last congressional cortest, the democratic majority was one thousand and fourteen; and yet, owing to the absence of the excitement necessary to bring out the democratic voters, the aggregate democratic vote was near one thousand less than it was in 1840, though in that year the democracy were defeated one hundred and sixty votes; all of which shows, most conclusively, that the whig ticket in 1840 was carried by the importation of foreign voters, to the number of more than seven hundred, in violation of the constitution, the election laws, the people's rights, and the elective franchise. . And if there were no other frauds disclosed in that shameful, reckless, and villanous campaign of 1840, those alone are suffièient to impose upon us the duty of passing this bill into a law; but I repeat, that i have no time to expose the wide-spread corruptions of that election, alike in their tendencies fatal to the morals of society, as destructive to the free institutions of our country. I have been asked a thousand times, by letter and otherwise, by those who were made acquainted with the frauds practised in Hamilton county, why I did not appear here, and contest Mr. Pendleton's seat. There were two reasons, either of which was sufficient in itself. First, I was too proud to do it. Sec. ond, my constituents were too proud to permit me to do it. I was too proud to ask redress at the hands of a whig House, whose hatred for me I knew only to be commensurate with my hatred for them. I speak politically. I was too proud to ask an investigation at the hands of a whig House, who I knew possessed neither the magnanimity, generosity, or justice to do that which the most indisputable evidence should have demanded, Í was too proud to appear before a jury for the redress of a wrong and a violence, many of whom i knew were the very inventers and workers of that very organized system of swindling by which that wrong and that violence were effected. I was too proud to ask any favor, or even justice, at the hands of my enemires; and 1 was too proud to apply to a House for the redress of a violence, knowing, as I did, that more than one-half of its members held their seats by virtue of the same system of frauds by which I was deprived of nine, My constituents were too proud to permit me to ask for the redress of a vioHence which they had the power themselves to redress, and which violence they have redressed— though that redress would have been much more triumphant, could they have provoked Mr. Pendleton to have been the opposing candidate; but into that he was neither to be kicked nor coaxed, because (as the rude democrats said) his vanity and ambition had cost him too much already. The democrats say (and I have never heard a whig deny it) that he paid $20,000 for three letters of the alphabet, to the end that he might have a title prefixed to his name. Well, I know no reason why a man may not purchase a title in this country as well as in any other; and he may place that title at the head or tail of his name, as his own fancy or his taste may dictate. But $20,000 is a big price to pay for two consonants and one vowel, which, in their order, are to be placed H-O-N, to give them their most potent meaning; and that meaning may convey honor or disgrace. Nor does the price augment the honor, or diminish the disgrace. if he who possesses them procured them in an honorable way, or if they have been awarded as the price of intelligence, patriotism, and virtue, they are but the evidence of merit due to him who wears them; but if they have been purchased at the expense of virtue

and patriotism, and in the commission of treason, bribery, and perjury, they should be, and will be, worn as a mark of disgrace and infamy. I leave. Mr. Pendleton and his Kentucky cut-throat ruffian. and thieving constituents to decide the question. Mr. Speaker, it is a divine truth, and is regarded as a maxim far and wide as civilized society, that “evil should not be done that good may come of it.” When the moral part of the community in 1840 remonstrated against the means which were resorted to by the federal party to overthrow the democracy, the universal answer was, that “the end justifies the mean.” Now, sir, I wish to say something about the means that were used, and the end effected by the means; and i think I will be able to show that the end was worthy of the means, and the means worthy of the end, and that they were both worthy of each other. * : This government has been in existendospraething more than half a century under its present organization. There are members in this House who are seniors of this government. For forty years of its whole existence it has been under democratic administration; and although it has, for the balance of the time, and at two different times, been frostbitter: and withered by federal administration, yet its prog ress has been onward—onward. From the time of its commencement, up to 1840 inclusive, it presented a progress in civilization which can challenge the history of nations, literature, philosophy, agriculture, mechanics, and general science, and every improvement that characterizes civilized man, had advanced with a rapidity of which the history of the world shows no example. The progress of commerce, science, literature, and refinement, of the republics of Carthage, of Greece, and of Rome, has employed a thousand pens, and has been sung by ten thousaid tongues, in description and praise. The same progress and advancement of the European governments have exhausted eulogy, and almost confounded wonder; and yet the advancement of the republic of the United States, in every characteristic of civilization, human happiness, and national greatness, has been more in half a century than theirs has been in five hundred years. The savage wilderness has been tamed, and the wild man has fled. The widespread and dense wildernesses that once made the earth groan with their native growth, have been converted into highly cultivated farms, and now groan with the rich productions of the hand of industry. The broad rivers which (many of them) were agitated but by the winds and the bark canoe of the savage, now bear on their bosoms thousands. of steamboats, laden with the rich productions of happy freemen, and command the tempest and defy the waves. The canvass of our commercial ships whitems every ocean, every séa, and every bay. The American flag is displayed in every civilized port in the world. The face of our continent is checkered with turnpikes, railroads, and canals; our hills are made to yield their valuable timbers, and our mountains to give up their rich minerals. Cities, great towns, beautiful and pleasant villages, dot the face of the continent. Houses of worship, colleges of science, seminaries of learning, and school-houses of common education, temples of justice, as well as theatres of innocent amusement, adorn almost every city, town, and village, on our continent. Peace, plenty, and happiness, overspread the land, and cheerfulness beams from every countenance. Industry is respected, industry rewarded, and industry protected. In this prosperous and glorious career,

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