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there was bút one obstruction--a2d that was an irresponsible corporate banking syetem which had grown up, and which more of by-and-by, or some other occasion; at present, I will pass it. &
I repeat that all this unexampled prosperity, this rapid adwancement, this magical elevation of national greatness, was under the influence and auspices of democratic administration four-fifths of the existence of this government. But a strange dream came over the people. They seem to have become satiated with prosperity, and to have grown weary with happi. aess and good government,and they must needs have a “change.” Sir, I desire to dweli some little on that word “change.” The word change has always a potent political word. It has ever been the rallying Word of the demagogue. It is the yelp of the disappointed office-seeker. It has ever been so from the com‘mmcement of civilized government. It was the cry of change that overthrew the first republican government that history describes—f mean the government of the Israelites. That was a republican government, from the time of the conquest of Canaam; and although laws were proposed to the people through Moses, yet no law was obligatoly until it was received and adopted by the voice or suffrage of the people. The Almighty was their king, but not without their choice. He was repeatedly elected as such by the suffrage of the people. Moses, al. though generally regarded as the israelitish legislator, in his time was nothing more than a mediator, or medium through which the will, the wishes, and approbation of the Almighty were communicated.
The Jewish government was established on those principles ‘syhich alone can make a people happy and independent. The Jews were an agricultural people, and every man a freeholder; and such were the restrictions on the alienation of landed property, that every Jew came into the world the owner of Band, and went out of the world the owner of land. It was a prominent principle of the Jewish government to encourage agiculture, and to foster it above all other business or occupation; and, so long as that policy remained, so long it was retained in its primitive simplicity—there was no people on earth more happy than were the Jews. But, in the course of time, demagogues and ambitious politicians grew up among them. Å"hey must aeeds have a change. Though above all the people on earth, they were not only blessed with the best government and the richest land, but were daily furnished by the hand of the Alsnighty; they were daily feceiving the bounties of his goodness; they had been delivered from Egyptian bondage by a miracudous interposition of Divine Providence; and, when hotly pārsued by Pharaoh and his host, they had seen Moses, by divine power, smite the Arabian gulf with a rod, divide the waters, and roll back the mighty waves, through which they passed dry-shod, while Pharaoh and his host were drowned; when on their way in the parched wilderness, they drank pure water, which they had seen Moses draw from the flinty rock by a smite of his rod; when they ahungered in the wilderness, &lanna fell from heaven, of which they ate in gratitude and solemn thanks;—all these things were fresh in their recollection when they first attempted a change; and that change was to desert the standard of Moses, and the Almighty’s protection, and betake themselves to Aaron, and erect a golden calf, and bestow on it the divine honors which were due to Him who had delivered them from bondage, and fed them in the wilderness: that was the first change. The motives of the Jews in that change were of a character with those which moved a majori“y of the American people in 1840, when they deserted the dem. ocratic standard and betook themselves to whigery. They overe Wont to erect a galf, too--not a calf to be made of gold, but one to be made of shinplasters; a kind of rag-tag and bob: tail calf—a calf to be made with rags and lamp-black, worthy of a rag-baron aristocracy. But John Tyler knocked that calf of the head, thank God, as Moses did Aaron’s; for when he (Moses) returned from the mount, he demolished Aaron’s calf, and reconciled the Admighty with the Jews, whose wrath had been kindled against then, for their idolatry.
But ere long corrupt politicians again sprang up, and denoun. Čed the government as weak and imbecile. Demagogues and loafers multiplied, who, (in that country as in this, and every other,) too lazy to work and too proud to beg, determined to live on the labor of others. Not content with that wise and equitable system of government which distributed justice and equality to all, and made every Jew a constituent part of the government—made every Jew a landholder and a freeman;– not content with that policy which made the Jews an agricultural people, (for which they were peculiarly fitted, and to *Which their country was, peculiarly adapted,) they sought to £stablish systems of inequality; to divert the public attention 3rom the humble, punctual, and frugal—though honorable— pursuits of agriculture; and to adopt a system more in accord ance with oriental grandeur; to this end, privileged orders and irresponsible institutions must be established—something like The policy sought to be established in our country, which has for its object the oppression of the many to enhance the inter.
osts of the few, smean a protective-tariff system--a credit sys. permitted to die on the ear. Sure to be cassed in as auxiliaries. So it was in the election of 1840—to falsehood as a means, slander, detraction, perjury, bribery, and treason, were called in; and , the whole, united, constituted a part of the means by which the federalists were : too successful, But, in addition to falsehood, and all its video and unworthy associates, there were other means used, equally degrading to the American character, and the American nation; . all of which I shall treat in their order. And first of the false. hoods—wholesale falsehoods I deal in—wholesale and general Whig falsehoods H begin with No. 1. It was said the administra. tion of Mr. Van Buren was an extravagant, a wasteful, and a corrupt administration. To put a direct contradiction upon this triple falsehood, I will submit statistics; and in order that I may be read with greater ease, F will make them as brief as possible; and in order to illustrate, I will compare-figures with the expenditures of this administration that promised such re. 101 #1. The appropriations which supplied the first year of Mr. Van Buren’s administration, were made under the last year of Gen. Jackson’s administration; and of them I will say nothing. The amount expended in the first year of Mr. Van Buren’s adminis.
their patriotism to be shaken,
tem—a banking Sygłężn, and a Shimpiaster currency, or, in brief, a system by whith swindlers may plunder honest men. No other systems would divert and deceive the people from the policy and stern frugality which it was the consiant efi rt of Moses to inculcate, and which the whole frame of government favored. iłut the corrupt politicians and demagogues rung, change?" change! and a portion of the people, who had gradually become’ corrupted with oriental passions and oriental grandeur, permitted They began to think there was something sublime in an eastern court, which gave character, dignity, show, and power, to a nation, which was incompatible with a simple republican government. The rage for change spread. They must have a court The show, the gaudy timsel, the splendor and the luxuries of a court, captivated their minds, blinded their understanding, and vitiated their tastes. The dise tempered rage for a change spread more and wider. To have a court, they must have a king—not their frugal Moses, or their divine Deliverer any longer; but a temporal king, who could: bestow bounties, and receive flatteries—a court, a king, military splendor, a central power, and a strong government. Moses, and a man called Samuel, who was a successor of Moses, ree monstrated against a change of government, and represented, in the strongest possible terms, the dangers and fatal effects of eastern corruptions, eastern despotism, and eastern bondage. All their remonstrance was in vain; a change they would have; a temporal king they would have; an oriental court and a military depositism they would have; and the Almighty, gave them, in his anger, a king, and all the rest soon followed. Saul was the first king under their new change. He governed well for a short time, but soon became dese potic, and towards the last of his reign became insupporte ably capricious. He was rejected, and one David was chosen in his place. David was a true patriot, a sincere friend of his country, and ardently devoted to its highest interests. The country prospered under his administration, though oriental customs, and the military spirit of the people, grew under his reign, and, with these, increased taxation. Solomon, succeeded Davids. He ruled with moderation and wisdom at first, but, towards the end of his reign, became very tyrannical, and laid heavy burdens upon his people. Oppression had already become the reward of their desired chamge. Rehoboam, succeeded Solomon. He refused to lighten the burdens of the people; and this caused a dismembermerit of the empire—ten tribes going off, under Jeroboam, and forming a separate gove ernment. From this time the nation became rapidly more and more corrupt; the kings more and more despotic; the people more and more enslaved; and the result of all was the decay and ruin of the government, J.,et us sum up the evils of the change: t. An increase of taxation, with the increase of the military spirit; and numerous and exhausting wars, as a consequence. 2, Tyranny and despotism in the government—many of the kings becoming as tyrannical as the eastern despots. 3. A neglect of agriculture. 4 Entire change in the admirable agrarian laws of Moses. 5. Ultimate ruin, and subjection of the nation to a foreign yoke. And this, sir, was the career of the Israelites; and this the ruin brought upon them by that fatal word change, invented, introduced, and rung by demagogues and corrupt politicians, who have been the overthrow and downfall of every republic. I have no time to trace up the histories of republics, or free governments, and expose the fatal effects of that word change. If I had, I could efer you to the word change, which was newer out of the mouth of Hanno, by which he embarrassed the correct action of the Senate of Carthage, and poisoned the minds of the people; and by which he embarrassed the movements of IHannibal, at the very time he was shaking the walls of Rome; and by which he succeeded in effecting the recall of Hannibal, and, with his recall, the destruction of the last hope of ever conquering Rome; and by which, too, he and his kindred spirits succeeded in overthrowing the republic of Carthage, and make ing her the prey to Roman conquest. . I could, also, refer to the demagogues and corrupt and bribed politicians of Greece, who, with their pockets full of Persian gold, and their mouths filled with change, laid the foundation for the overthrow of her republics. It was the same fatal word, in the brawling mouths of corrupt politicians, that subverted the Roman republic; and the same word, after the over. throw of the republic, placed one vile despot after another on the throme, each vile despot viler and more despotic than his predecessor, until the people of Rome, from being the freest people on earth, became the greatest slaves on earch, and unil, too, it was finally overthrown. The overthrow of all those republics was brought about by the word change in the mouths of corrupt politicians, hired demagogues, and pensioned liars, precisely such as overspread our country in 1840, and by whose means the democracy were overthrown. Yes, sir, overthrown by pensioned liars, hired demagogues, corrupt and bribed politicians, whose incessant cry was
change change 2 change ' The word change was never Well, the change was ef.
#ected. The democratic party was overthrown, . A democrat. ic candidate for the presidency was defeated in his re-election —one who had administered the government on as pure principles as it ever had been administered or ever will be admin. istered—one who had sustained our free institutions, the constitution, and the nation’s hot, or, with an ability and a wisdom which never has been surpassed since the formation of our government—a man who was and is alike distinguished for the purity of his morals as for his talents as a statesman; distinguished alike for his firmness as for his attachment to democratic principles and the support of democratic institutions; alike distisguished for the qualities of his head as for the goodYless of his heart; with a moral reputation which even the sirocco breath of slander dare not approach. Such was the man whose election was defeated by that potent word change, and its accom panying means. Yes, sir, the accompanying means; I must have something to say about the accompanying means, in connex. ion with the word change. And what were they? Ah! sir, could they be blotted from the recollection of man, and could the history; that records thern be annihilated, what [riend to his country—what man or patriot, jealous of the honor and the reputation of his country and the American character, would wish to revive their recollection? But to the disgrace of this people, and to the dishonor of our republican institutions, here and elsewhere, they live in memory—they live in history, and will live after all who mow live will have returned to dust. They will live when time shall have crumbled the marble columns that support the dome of this hall; even then, the drunken orgies which disgraced the elections of 1840 will be classed with the drunken orgies which disgraced all Greece in the worship of Bacchus; fresh, then, will the disgraceful scenes of 1840 be in history, as the bacchamalian feasts are now. So we cannot hide them; knowing them as we do, and known as they are, we' may better serve our country by exposing them. I desire to tax your time a few moments while I make a few comments on truth—for I regard it as the highest virtue of any people, whether in a national, or in an individual point of view. In the language of another, truth is a light from on high. It is almost the only thing on earth which is worth the research and care of man. It is the light of our mind; it should be the rule and the guide of our heart, as it is the founda. tion of our hopes, and the comfort of our fears. It is the alle. viating balm of our evils, and the true remedy of all our trou. bles and missertures. It is the source of good, and the horror of bad conscience; it is the secret punisher of vice, and the everlasting reward of virtue. It immortalizes those who practise it; it dignifies the chains, and makes supportable the dark and gloomy dungeon of those who suffer for it; and it brings and perpetuates public praise and public honors upon the memories of those who have been its defenders and its martyrs. It makes respectable the humility and the poverty of those who have sacrificed all in its pursuit and its support. It inspires magnanimity of thought, and forms heroic souls, of which this world is unworthy. It has made every sage and every hero that the world has ever produced, worthy of the name. How unfortunate that it was it was not better known and more highly appreciated by the whigs at all times, but more especialBy in the political campaign of 1840! But, to form a true estimate of its exal!ed merits, we must contrast it with its antagonist principle—falsehood; which, of all vices, is the most degrading and degraded. It sinks those who practise it, in the es: timation of God and the virtuous world, below the brute; and confirms the end, the huin, and the disgrace, it is sought to avoid. All the principles and effects, whether of truth or falsehood, may be applied in an individual and private sense; but how Inuch more estimable is truth when applied in a national sense? and how much more disgusting and horrible is falsehood when viewed in a national sense, or used to deceive a nation? A falsehgod is a misrepresentation of a fact, or things, for the purpose of deception. A falsehood works two evils—a crime on the part of him who attempts to deceive, and an injury on the part of him who is deceived. if an individual makes a misreprentation, not knowing it to be such, he is guilty of no falsehood in the moral sense, and is guilty of no wrong except the injury to him whe is déceived. So, too, if an individual relate a falsehood, and it fails to deceive the individual intended to be deceived, either from the improbability of the thing intended to be misrepresented, or from the known character of the misrepresentor as a liar, -in that case, the misrepresentation fails of its object, and no injury is done; but the moral turpitude of the falsehood is undiminished. The failure to accomplish a crime, does not diminish the crime involved in the intention and effort to com. mit it. So, too, is a falsehood criminal in proportion to the injury which its misrepresentation may effect. If it deceives a nation, it is criminal in its effects and design, in proportion to the magnitude of the mation and the extent of the evil. Now, sir, I charge falsehood as one of the means used by the federal party in 1840 to overthrow the democracy, and to defeat the 'election of Mr. Van Buren, and every democratic candidate that was defeated. But when falsehood is substituted for truth to effect an object, every other means—however criminal, howover mean, however detestable, and however degrading—are
the aggregate amount of the expenditures of Mr. Van Buren's administration. I say aggregate amount; i mean by that the ordinary and extraordinary expenditures; I mean by the ordic mary expenditures, the civil and diplomatic expenditures, as well as the ordinary expenditures for the army and navy, Indian annuities, and interest on the funded or District debt—all of which are ordinary, because they are of yearly occurrenče, whether we are in peace or in war. They are incidental to the army, to the navy, and to our funded debts. I mean by the extraordinary expenditures, those which occurred in consequence of the border difficulties; the public buildings, the Creek Indian war, the Florida war, the removal of Indians across the Mississippi, and their settlement in agriculture, &c.—all of which were extraordinary expenditures, nearly all of which had their beginning, and nearly all of which had their end, in Mr. Van Boo ren’s administration. I will exhibit the amount of those extraordinary expenditures, as well their severa; as their aggre” gate amount. I will separate them from the ordinary expendi. tures, and show the difference. I will then compare the ordinary expenditures under Mr. Van Buren’s administration, with the ordinary expenditures of this whig.reform-economical ad. ministration, and exhibit the difference, and make it so plain that every democratic boy of Israel shall be able to overthrow any whig of Gath, or of the Philistine tribe, though he be at big as Goliah. The amount expended for the Florida war within the ters. of Mr. Van Buren’s administration, together with the Creek War,
was, as reports show o - - - $38,000,000 The amount expended on behalf of all our border difficulties * .. - -- . . . 500,000 Amount for removal of Indians across the Missis- ^ we nor sippi, and their settlement . . . . . . . . 3,264,315 Amount expended on the public buildings, viz: Amount on the treasury building - o: ow 400,000 Do do post office do - te to 400,000 Do do patent office do - **. o 400,000 The aggregate of which is ** * - 42,961,315 Deduct this aggregate from the expenditures for yoy of joy' i the entire administration of Mr. Van Buren - . 10,997,473. And we have the sum of . - o
This we find to he the entire amount exper.ded in Mr. Wasa Buren’s administration for its full term, for the ordinary sup” port of the army, navy, and the government, civil and diplo" Islat.I.C. - -I now exhibit the expenditures of the first two years of this Philistine whig administration.—whig in the Senate--whig in the House—whig all over, with the entire control of the gov" ernment in their hands, so far as the appropriating, power was concerned; and I have no expenditures to exhibit but those which I have called ordinary in Mr. Van Buren’s administration; for there has been no Florida war, no Indians to remove, no border difficulties except what were settled by nego, tiation, nor any public buildings, except some small finishing expenditures; and what do you think they are, sir? I hold in my hand House document No. 62, prepared by a whig officer Qi this House: of course it is good authority against whig profi" gacy, . Here is the document. It is a pamphlet; it is all cover" ed with figures, and every figure counts tens, hundreds, thełło. sands, tens of thousands, hundreds of thousands, millions, and tens of nyilliotis, such as too mac can number or detail in a speech. I must describe by aggregates. I must lump the millions. Here they are. I expose them to the honest peopie, the hard handed tax payers, who were promised reform, retrenchment; and relief from tax burdens, if they would unite with the federalists to overthrow the democracy.
White in power, the wings held three sessions in one Congress. Here are he appropriations made each session: For diplomatic and miscelianeous— First session x? o - $1,065,091 Second session * - - 4.625,443 ‘shird session so - . . 6,365,545 . * $12,646,079 For naval service|First Gession & org - i.703.976 Second session *g o - 6.684,769 hird session co ** - 9 44,733 *: --- 17,522,478 For oilitary service, including as: which belongs to the twilitary department— first session o ** • 2,274.63% §econd session - * • 3,737,864 ‘īoird session 13 ... 9 09S 907 •. .-- --- 20,111,408 Further appropriations for the Ra Vai department, second an third sessions, show - to 9,030,900 $58,719867
... This estin, ate silows that, through the four years of Mr. Van Burea's administration, the ordinary expenditures of the gov. erriment were sixty-eight million thirty-six thousand one hundred and fifty-six dollars; while a federal coon administration, in two years of its time, under a solemn pledge of reform and aetrenchment, has expended fifty-eight millions seven hundred and nineteen thousand and nine hundred dollars. Let us see the difference. Here it is: Armount of all ordinary expenditures under Mr. Van Buren's administration (four years) From which deduct— Amount of all ordinary expenditures under the Coon administration (two years) *
Thus it appears from statistics, official and true as moral Yeason, that the ordinary expenditures of the two first years of this resorm and retrenchment administration have been but $10,316,189 less than the entire four years of Mr. Van Buren's administration. But, I may be told that there were 50me extraordinary expenditures necessary under this admin. Estration; what were they? The Florida war was closed when * Cathe into power; at least, so near so, that there were not four hundred Seminole warriors in Florida, and they were fast coming in and surrendering. The boundary difficulty was so far concluded, that nothing was left but negotiation, and that Was Conducted to our disadvantage, our dishonor, and the sur. render of a vast territory. The Creek war was ended, the Sreek and Cherokee Indians were removed, and the public buildings were nearly completed. But, if it is contended that there were extraordinary expenditures, I will offset them with 30me extraordinary expenditures is Mr. Van Buren's adminis. tration, which I have not classed as such. I mean the expendi. tures growing out of the extra session, in the summer of 1837, which was brought upon the people by the impolitic connexion of the government with the swindling banking institutions, them, as I have said, were not the only resort of the federal. ots in 1840, ...There were other means, perhaps less criminal, but not less disgraceful, resorted to. I mean drunken orgies; empty displays; vulgar scenes; and exhibitions of coons, pos. gums, skunks, empty barrels, old gourds, and snapping turtles; profane sacrifices; Tippecanoe and Hartford banners. These disgraceful shows, senseless parades, and profane demon. 8trations, were as fatal to the good order of society, and the moral institutions of the country, as the CHANGE they effected was fatal to its political and pecuniary inter. ests, Dignity of character, and morality of purpose, were alike sacrificed. . All orders, all sexes, and all professions, of the entire federal family, were contaminated with the virus. Every institution and every temple, however 'sacred, was polluted. The temple of justice and the temple of re*igion, the judge’s seat and sacred desk, were prostituted to the use and the level of the dogery, and the haunts of debauchery and dissipation. Yes, sir; not only were the ermine and the judgment-seat contaminated, but the sacred desk and the pulpit were polluted; and some of those who claim to be ministers of the gospel, ambassadors of our Saviour, and Heavex's bearers of despatches and glad tidings, standard-bearers of the holy Cross, and those who administer the holy sacraments, prostrated
And this, sir, is the end, so far as retreachment and reform is concerned, which was to justify the corrupt means which were used to defeat the election of Mr. Van Buren, and overthrow the democratic party. The means, as I have stated—falsehood, and its infamous auxiliaries, corruption, bribery, treason, and perjury—were to be justified by the end; and the end is an increase of the expenditure nearly double, and consequently a double imposition of taxes, and double burdens on the people. So much for the corrupt means; so much for the unfortunate end, both worthy of each other, worthy of the party who used them, and worthy of the party who have brought them about. I say, then, that the promises which were made of reform and retrenchment were falsehoods; they were made for the purposes of deception, and have deceived; they involve the crime of falsehood, and the injury of deception. But the sweeping, unlimited, and reckless false. hoods of 1840 were not confined to false promises; they were fraught with slander, detraction, and libels both of men and measures. To enumerate the falsehoods and slanders would require volumes; to enumerate the slandered would be to embrace every prominent democrat in the country, and every measure of the then administration. It is not my purpose to enter into particulars, or to deal in personalities; but there is one case, and one person, that I must be permitted to speak of while on this branch of the subject. The case to which I allude was the speech of Mr. BUCHANAN of the Senate; and that person is honest John Davis of Massachusetts. Honest John! God save the mark! - Mr. Buch ANAN, when supporting the independent treasury bill, said: “The chief object was to disconnect the government from all banks; to secure the people’s money from the wreck of the banking system, and to have it always ready to promote the prosperity of the country in peace, and to defend it in war. Incidentally, however, it will do some good in checking the extravagant spirit of speculation, which is the bane of Society.” Mr. B., throughout his speech, from which the above extract is taken, denied that the independent treasury system would or could have the effect to produce the disasters upon the commu. nity which its enemies attributed to it. The effects attributed were, that it would destroy the banks, break down the credit system, establish an exclusive metallic currency, reduce the value of property and the price of labor. He denied that the bill possessed the power to produce such effects; and (as all his speeches show) was opposed to an exclusive metallic currency in the then condition of the country, owing to the manner in which the commercial, mercantile, and general interests of the country were interwoven with banks, paper currency, and the credit system. No man trod more cautiously, or advanced with more precision, and, at the same time, with more firmness, in the reformations that were then in progress in relation to the currency, and to the control, management, and disbursement of the national revenue, than did Mr. B. The safety of the revenue, and its proper and secure management, without materially af. fecting the channels of trade and the general interests of the country, seemed to be his highest object—for the truth of which I can safely refer to all his speeches in support of the independent treasury plan, and all financial measures appertaining thereto. I speak knowingly; I speak from hearing his speeches when made, and reading them when printed; and yet, in the face of all who heard him, and all who read his speeches, John Davis puts this argument in his mouth, viz.: “It (the independent
treasury) contains the necessary corrective [for the evils] im
putable to the pernicious influence of bank paper, as it will check importations of foreign goods, suppress what we call the credit system, and, by restoring a specie currency, reduce the wages of labor and the value of property!” And this argument, which Mr. Buchanan never conceived, (or, if he did, never expressed.) constituted a part of “honest John’s” speech, and was heralded far and wide through the country; and was labelled and endorsed, and heralded back again, by every foul, filthy, false federal sheet in the land; and by every hired bank minion and corrupt demagogue in the shape of a stump speaker, from Daniel Webster down to the most contemptible whig. whiffet of federal mimicry. I take it on myself to say, and hold myself responsible, that a more meretricious falsehood never was invented—a baser and more groundless falsehood never entered the head or heart of any man. It was a falsehood worthy to be conceived by a vile, vitiated brain; worthy to be cherished by a corrupt heart; worthy to be given birth to by a polluted and soul mouth; and worthy to be promulgated by a poisoned pen; and worthy to be endorsed by a reckless, unprincipled, and corrupt, party. I have noticed this falsehood, though at first personal; but it was told and spread to deceive a nation, and it did deceive a nation. It contained in its beginning the crime of a falsehood, and in effect and end the injury of a falsehood. I name it and expose it, in connexion with others of a like character, that the individual community may guard themselves against the effects of such falsehoods in the coming contest, which will fall upon the country as leaves in autumn by the blight of frost. But falsehood and slander, and the base, criminal, and trea. sonable auxiliaries which were brought to co-operate with,
themselves from their high and lofty station, to which none
but apostles and ministers ordained by Heaven’s sanction should presume to ascend,-even some of them, I say, prostra £ed themselves at the shrine of the corruptions and politica iniquities of that time; and, in place of obeying the commands of their divine Master, in teaching the way of salvation to a dying world, were found playing the political missionary, in place of bearing witness to the truth of His holy religiot, they were endorsing all the base, false, and infamous slanders and detraction which were propagated to overthrow the administra. tion—slander and detraction worthy of the disempered brain
of the reckless political desperado, the heart of corruption, and
the tongue of poison. .
f I cheerfully recognise the right of every individual in the
community to exercise the rights of a free mar; but while I hold sacred the names of Christian minister and apostle, ideen it a duty I owe to the holy religiou, by which hope for redemption and salvatico in the world to come, io denougee the man who
wiłł abose it, as unworthy to be its professional advocate. Yes, sir, some of them were found participating with. and nuing.
ling in, the drunked carousals that would have disgraced a bacchadalian feast, in the most degraded days of Greece. Such men are made for the tables of morey changers, riot for casting Gut devils. They might grace a gambler’s board, but they would poliute a temple, For the honor of the holy religion of our fathers, and the sacred ranges of minister and a lostle, i hope there were not imany who so disgraced themselves, their maine, aid the religion which it is their profession to teach. But there were some. They will be marked, and made the subjects of religious and moral condemnation while they live, and wherever they go, . Such were the demoralizing effects of means used in 1840, and such the end which justified the means, But, sir, t ther promises were made besides those of reform and retrenchment. We will examine them, and see how far they have been fulfilled. We were promised a sound currency, and plenty of it. How has that promise been sulfilled? It is useless for me to relate what everybody knows; and that is, that this administration has done nothing either to improve the currency, or to increase its quantity. So, under the general head of falsehoods, I place that to No. 2. The people were told that treasury, notes were an uricon: stitutional currency, and were the offspring of the independent treausury. They were denounced and ridiculed as “Uncle Sam's shinplasters.” The constitution was to be preserved, and there was to be no more of such shinplaster currency. The whigs had not been in power three months, before they authorized the issue of millions of dollars in treasury notes; and they have constituted a vast portion of the national cur. reney from that day to this. That is general falsehood No. 3. The people were told, among the thousand other falsehoods about the independent treasury, that it was a dangerous executive engine, and that it placed the purse in the hands of the President, and gave him a dangerous control of the national treasury; and, if they obtained possession of the government, that dangerous executive control should be abolished. So, one of the first acts of the federal coon administration was to repeal the independent treasury, without making any provision for the safe-keeping and secure disbursement of the public revenue. The consequence was, that the President and his *secretary, ipso facto, acquired the entire and uncontrolled possession add management of every dollar of the public revenue, and have so enjoyed it from that day to this. The viola. tion of that promise I call falsehood No. 4
It was urged that the administrations of General Jackson and Mr. Van Buren were proscriptive administrations; that they were administrations of a party and not of the people; that no man was permitted to share in the discharge of official duties,
except those who were partisans to the principles arid supporters of their administrations; merit, worth, honesty, and taients, were no recommendation, &c. All this was false; for, throughout both the administrations of Gen. Jackson and Mr. Van Buren, there were more federalists who held office under the general government than democrats. But i have no time to detail singie whig falsehoods; 1, must limit myself to generals, it was said that such a system of unreienting proscription was demoralizing, and was corrupting the morals and prostrating the patriotism of the nas. tion; and, if the democracy could be overthrown, “proscription should be proscribed.” “Proscription proscribed” was one of the federal coon banners. Here Mr. DuNCAs held up a whig banner, bearing this inscription:
No man was to be turned out of office for opinion's
sake. The only question was to be, “is he honest, is he capable,” All this, it was well known, was
contemptible cant and miserable hypocrisy. For one month before the presidential inauguration, this city was crowded with office-seekers, loafers, and loungers, lean, long, and lank, to the number (it was said) of more than thirty thousand. I know that every public and private house (and some houses that's shall not name) were full from gerret to cellar; and filled as the houses were, it was impossible to walk ten steps at a time in the avenue, without being jostled by some staggering, hungry, federal loafer; They seemed to have flocked from every part and every longitude and every latitude, and every zone, torrid, temperate, and frigid, of this wide-spread Union, numerous as the locusts, the ice, and the frogs of Egypt, and more devouring and destructive. Old federalists, who had been driven into eaves with the Adamses, where they had slept for forty years, waked up, came forth in their moth-riddled, antiquated garbs, staggering on their worm-eaten staves, dragging their withered, emaciated carcasses, and shaking their gray locks;–such a gathering never before was seen; such a gathering never will again be seen, until the sea shall give up her dead at the summons of the last trump. Well, the inauguration came, and with it; as a first step, the dismissal of every chief democratic officer at the head of every department of the government; their commenced the guillotine. The axe was not per|mitted to dry, nor the executioner to sleep, each.
head in each department vied with each other it. the work of execution. But Granger and Ewing went ahead, and even surpassed Robespierre, their worthy master and patron. The trial was more summary than that of the victims of the triumvirate. The inquiry to each victim was not, “is he capable, is he homest” it was, “Are you a democrato. Do you belong to the democratic association, and are you a sobscriber to the Extra Globes" . The answer being in the affirmative, off went his head. Bring forward another; so it went. Such was the inquisition—such the guillotime—such the Robespierres, and such the fate of the victims. Mr. Speaker, there were more men proscribed for opinion's sake the first six months of this administration, than there were from the first day of General Washington's administration, to the last day of Martin Van Buren's. So I make “proscription proscribed” general falsehood No. 6. * One of the charges of extravagance against Mr. Van Puren’s administration was the “princely manwer” in which the President’s house was furnished. That falsehood was negatived by the appropriation of six thousand dollars, made to furnish the President’s homise at the commencement of this administration. That appropriation was properly made; the President’s house required it; but the application of the money was not made as intended. I do not know what was done with all the money: E think I know what was done with a part of it. I am told that near twenty-five hundred dollars was laid out in wines to furnish the cellar—not in furniture for the house. What will the homest, sober, tax-paying community say, when they learn that this was-to-be econominal and reform administration used twenty-five hundred dollars of their money to purchase wines for the loafing, lounging, lark federai office-hunter to guzzle down. But I must be briefon each head; so I place the charge of extravagance of the President’s house—“gold spoons, French bedsteads,” &c.—to general falsehood No. 7. The day-laborers were told that if they would join the federalists in the overthrow of the democratlie party, they should receive two dollars a day and good roast beef. I hold a banner in my hand; here it is; and here is the promise. Here is the ininscription. It reads:
How has that promise been fulfilled? Thousands of homest laborers will answer next fall through the ballot-box—that they can get but twenty-five cents a day and no beef at all. So I place that promise to the credit of No. 8. The federalists in the last Congress made but one attempt at retrenchment; and that attempt was but insolent hypocrisy, and made to
deceive. The democrats, in a former Congress, reduced the price of public printing fifteen
per cent. When the federalists came into power prior to electing the government printers, they passed a resolution reducing the price of printing twenty per cent., or five per cent. more; and then elected Gales & Seaton printers. That was the show of retrenchment, and under that contract and resolution was the public printing done; but, in order to compensate for the reduction of the price, more printing was given to Gales & Seaton, by mear onehalf, than ever was given to public printers before by any Congress in the same length of time. But that was not all: at the close of the last session, and to one of the last appropriation bills, was made an amendment ap” propriating forty thousand dollars to Gales & Seaton, in addition to the price stipulated in the contract. Thus was the public treasury robbed to feed and fat. ten a pampered favorite partisan. So much for the only attempt to fulfil the promises of retrenchment, That hypocritical show and false pretence I mark No. 9, - Sir, my time, and the limits of a speech, will not
permit me to prosecute the subject. If I had time I could fill a volume with these startling and damning falsehoods. I have selected those general and umvarnished ones, because they were connected with promises the more effectually to mislead the thoughtless and unwary; because they were appeals to the passions, to cupidity, and to avarice. When you hold up the promises made in 1840 to the fed. eralists, and ask them, Why have you not made the retrenchments and reforms you promised in the gov
ernment expenditures? Where is the plenty of mo
ney, and of good quality, you promised? Why have you not preserved that sacred principle of patriotism—toleration in office—for the abuse of which you so denounced the administrations of General Jackson and Mr. Van Buren? Why did you not “proscribe proscription?” Where is that brilliant prosperity you promised to every institution, to every interest, and to every person of the country? But above all, where is that two dollars a day and good roast beef you promised to the day laborer? The answer is, Oh! General Harrison died, and John Tyler turned traitor. Every sniffling whig. whiffet, and bank spaniel, as well as every pompous puffed-up, haughty, federal, aristocratic rag-baron has that answer at his tongue’s end. General Harrison did die, but John Tyler did not turn traitor. Of General Harrison and his death, i. have nothing to say. Peace be to his manes. if he had any faults in his life, I am the last to speak of them. Let his narrow tenement at North Bend conceal them. His virtues I will be first to speak of on all proper occasions. But I feel no restraint in saying that the man you elect to fill the highest station that man can occupy—to discharge duties the most important that can interest a nation—by such unhallowed means, and for such unhallowed purposes, he will die, too, in one month. There is a Providence who superintends, this nation. He holds its destinies in His hand; His track is to be seen in every path of the revolution