Page images
PDF
EPUB

1829. 1831. 1833. 1835.

[ocr errors]
[ocr errors]
[ocr errors]
[ocr errors]
[ocr errors]
[ocr errors]
[ocr errors]
[ocr errors]
[ocr errors]
[ocr errors]
[ocr errors]
[ocr errors]
[ocr errors]
[ocr errors]
[ocr errors]
[ocr errors]
[ocr errors][ocr errors][merged small][ocr errors][ocr errors][ocr errors][ocr errors][ocr errors]

.212
.268

.324

[ocr errors][ocr errors][ocr errors][ocr errors][merged small][ocr errors][ocr errors][ocr errors][ocr errors][ocr errors][ocr errors][ocr errors][merged small][ocr errors][ocr errors][merged small][ocr errors][merged small][ocr errors][ocr errors][merged small][ocr errors][ocr errors][ocr errors]

.328

the port of New York, and the number of persons others, yours of the 30th ultimo. My opinions on this subemployed in that service, under President Jackson.ject have been often given to the public. They are to be This number, as given by the Senator, is as found in my public acts, and in the public discussions in which I have participated. I am in favor of a tariff for follows: revenue--such a one as will yield a sufficient amount to the treasury to defray the cxpenses of the Government, c20nomically administered. In adjusting the details of a reveuue tariff, I have heretofore sanctioned such moderate discriminating duties as would produce the amount of revenue needed, and at the same time afford reasonable incidental protection to our home indu try. I am opposed to a tariff for protection merely, and not for revenue. Acting upon these general principles, it is well known that I gave my support to the policy of General Jackson's administration on this subject. I voted against the tariff act of 1828. I voted for the act of 1832, which contained modifications of some of the objectionable provisions of the act of 1828. As a member of the Committee of Ways and Means of the House of Representatives, I gave my assent to a bill reported by that committee in December, 1832, making further inodifications of the act of 1828, and making also discriminations in the imposition of the duties which it proposed. That bill did not pass, but was superseded by a bill commonly called the compromise bill, for which I voted. In far as it may be practicable to do so, by its re venue laws, and my judgment it is the duty of the Government to extend, as

In the Secretary's estimate to which I have referred, I find that provision is now asked for more than 700 persons in this same custom-house. Has the revenue increased so greatly beyond the amount in 1833, as to keep pace with this increase of force? By no means. The revenue from customs in 1833 was, in round numbers, twenty-nine millions of dollars; which is little short of the amount which the Secretary estimated would be received from that source the present year. I believe, sir, a very general and very extensive reform is demanded, to bring down the expenditures of the Government to some reasonable limits. The estimate for the next year is large; the indications of extravagance are alarming; and the assault on President Jackson's administration provokes a contrust of great interest to the people of this country, if they would escape the fate of the over-taxed subjects of European Governments.

[ocr errors][merged small]

It is a startling fact, that though the Federal Government was instituted for a few specific ob- Can there be a more triumphant refutation of jects, its expenses have increased until they now the honorable Senator's position than is here preequal, if they do not exceed, the aggregate expend-sented? It will not now be denied that the tariff itures of the various local governments of the Union--State, county, and municipal-whose province is, to execute most of the purposes of civil government.

[ocr errors][ocr errors][merged small]

The honorable Senator, after his review of the administration of President Jackson, takes up that of Mr. Polk, and attempts to hold him responsible for the action, under the House proposition, in- The outgoing administration of President Polk, stead of the Senate amendment, of the resolution so far from exhibiting any disposition " unworthfor the annexation of Texas. The resolution, asily to clutch at the offices," displayed a spirit of amended, authorized a choice of two modes of ac- great liberality towards that of its successor. The tion; and the selection was made, without the appropriations that were made for the outfits and authority or advice of Mr. Polk, by the Adminis-salaries of the diplomatic corps called for a corretration which the Senator from Connecticut con- sponding spirit of magnanimity. The bill for the tributed to place in power, against the united effort establishment of a Board of Commission on Mexof the Democratic party. He and his friends are ican claims passed a Democratic Senate, with a responsible for that selection, which was made provision that necessarily gave all the appointbefore the Government went out of their hands. ments under it to the incoming Administration. The question of reversing the decision, after it had President Polk refrained from making a single aponce been made by competent authority, is a very pointment authorized by the act to establish the different one from that of making the original de territorial government of Minnesota, and the act cision. A question of power arises, upon which creating a Home Department, although he had different opinions may be entertained. the power so to do, and a majority of his political friends in the Senate to act on his nominations. And from the same motives of delicacy, he refused to make the appointment of minister to Berlin, until he was urged to waive these scruples by the political opponents of the distinguished gentleman who was sent to that court; and he yielded to them what he had denied to his own political friends.

But the Senator thinks Mr. Polk violated the principles of the Kane letter, by his support of the policy of the tariff of 1846. Upon this point I take issue with my honorable friend, and maintain that the general principles of that tariff are identical with those of the letter. The letter advocates the policy of extending fair and just protection to all the great interests of the whole Union, emMr. KING. I will state here that the President bracing agriculture, the mechanic arts, commerce, declared some time before the expiration of his and navigation, as well as manufactures; and term of office, that he should not fill any office, hence the objection in the minds of some persons, excepting such as were necessary for the transac who appear to regard manufactures as alone entition of public business. The only instance of led to the fostering care of the Government. I will let the letter speak for itself:

COLUMBIA, TENNESSEE, June 19, 1848.

DEAR SIR: I have recently received several letters in refGrence to my opinions on the subject of the tariff, and among

departure from it was in this nomination of minister to Berlin; and the reasons upon which he acted are understood by the Senate, and have been referred to.

Mr. BRADBURY. The honorable Senator has

also referred to many matters of detail, which I and I will never practice it. Having endeavored have not time, nor do I think it necessary, to notice. to do my duty, I now leave the subject, with the Possibly, his remark in reference to the accumu- repetition of a remark which I made on a former lation of unfinished business in some of the bu-occasion--that it is not the policy of making re reaus might be calculated to do injustice to the movals that I assail or call in question; it is the in officers who had filled them. The Second Auditor's consistency between the professions and practice office was referred to in particular. Now, I can of the party in power-the breach of faith solemnly readily perceive that upon the conclusion of the pledged to know no party, and to make removals Mexican war, which called out a large number of only for cause, followed by a general expulsion of troops, regular and volunteer, the accumulation of Democrats, with an imputation of moral or official business in an office which had charge of the delinquency thrown upon them. It is this of which settlement of the numerous army accounts for the I complain, and which the American people will pay of the officers and men, and for transportation, || condemn. must, of necessity, be so great that some time would be requisite to bring them up.

I do not propose, however, to go into the consideration of these subjects. I think I have said enough in reply to the remarks of the honorable Senator, unless I should mention some of the specific objections he has urged against the resolution itself.

NOTE A.

Extract from my speech of January 15, containing the quotations from General Taylor's letters.

I will refer to but a few of the numerous letters first which I shall read is an extract of a letter from of the President and speeches of his friends. The General Taylor to the editor of the Morning Signal, dated May 18, 1847. He says:

“In no case can I permit myself to be the candidate of a party, or yield myself to party schemes.”

In his letter to Dr. Bronson, dated August 10, 1847, declining any party nomination, is the fol lowing declaration:

"I have thus given you the circumstances under whien only can I be induced to accept the high and responsible office of President of the United States. I need hardly add fore the people exclusively by any of the political parties that I cannot, in any case, permit myself to be brought be that now so unfortunately divide our country, as their candidate for this office."

In his letter to a citizen of Lansingburg, New York, published in the Troy Daily Post, he says:

"But I will not be the candidate of any party or clique and should the nation at large seek to place me in the chair of the chief magistracy, the good of all parties, and the na tional good would be my great and absorbing aim."

The celebrated letter to Captain Allison, contains the following explicit declaration:

First. I reiterate what I have often said: I am a Whiy, but not an ultra Whig. If elected, I would not be the mere President of a party. I would endeavor to act independent of party domination. I should feel bound to administer the Government untrammeled by party sebemes.”

I regard the resolution as sufficiently" definite" to be free from objection on that account. There will be no difficulty in ascertaining its meaning; and we are not to presume that the Senate will make an improper use of the information that shall be laid before it, in answer to the call. It is objected that the resolution asks for charges, instead of the reasons for the removal of officers that have been dismissed. If the Senators on the other side of the Chamber prefer the change, I have no objection in making it. I purposely avoided the latter phraseology, under the impression that it would be more objectionable; and I supposed that some might regard it as wanting in deference to call upon the Executive for the reasons upon which he acted in the exercise of legitimate powers, where no such objection would lie against a call for the information on which he acted. I am aware that the bill reported by the late Senator from South Carolina [Mr. CALHOUN] in 1835, and which the Senator from Kentucky [Mr. CLAY] stated a few days ago he voted for at the time, and could vote for again, required the President to give to the Senate the reasons for every removal, when he should send in the nomination of a successor. That bill passed the Senate by a large majority, and I cannot conceive how any person who could sustain that measure can have any constitutional objections to this resolution. I can refer the Senators over the way to an unbroken chain of precedents, where they and their friends have voted for resolutions involving not only the principle of this, but other principles far more obnoxious to objection; and I cited many cases "The resolutions of the meeting have given me great of this character in my former remarks suffi-pleasure and satisfaction, as the expression of high respect cient, I conceive, to remove every constitutional and consideration from the people of Pennsylvania." objection to it. I might multiply the num- On the same day his response to a Whig nomiber of precedents, but do not deem it necessary. nation says: The resolution is respectful in terms; it calls for information which the Senate ought to have, and which is necessary for the appropriate discharge of executive duties, and in vindication of a great number of honorable, upright, and faithful citizens, who believe that their reputation is suffering "The political sentiments embraced in the preamble and resolutions adopted at that meeting, I rejoice to say, meet wrongfully, and claim that their accusers shali my cordial approval and assent; and I must be permitted bring out their charges to the light of open day, to add, that as they have, with so much confidence, placed that the cause for their expulsion from the public my name in nomination before the country on their own reservice may be acknowledged and seen and known sponsibility, free from party action and the exaction of of all men. I do not understand that magnanimitytutional, and not as a party President, (in the event alreads pledges from myself, I shall serve them strictly as a constiwhich abandons friends when they are in the right; alluded to,) and as my ability will permit.”

[ocr errors]

And he further says:

"I have no private purposes to accomplish-no party projects to build up-no enemies 10 punish-nothing to serve but my country.

To Mr. Muhlenburg, president of a Democratic Taylor State Convention nominating him as a Democratic candidate for the Fresidency, November 25, 1847, he writes:

"I have read the resolutions adopted by the meeting with, great pride and pleasure."

To the no-party nomination of a meeting at Baltimore, he responds:

One of the resolutions which were so cordially approved, is in these words:

64. Resolved, That the platform of the Constitution upon which General Taylor stande before the people, guarantying equal rights to all, furnishes a sure and ample basis upon which all our fellow-citizens, whether known as Democratic or Whig, Native or Naturalized, may unite in his support, and participate in the benefits of good government under his Administration."

I now present the letters entire, so far as I have them at command, from which the extracts are taken; and I appeal to the Senate that no injustice was done in selecting the extracts. The following is the famous "Signal letter:"

HEADQUARTERS ARMY OF OCCUPATION, Cump near Monterey, May 18, 1847. SIR: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your Better, with the enclosure of your editorial extracted from the "Signal" of the 13th April.

At this time, my public duties command so fully my attention that it is impossible to answer your letter in the terins demanded by its courtesy, and the importance of the sentiments to which it alludes: neither, indeed, had I the time, should I feel myself at liberty to enter into the few and most general subjects of public policy suggested by the article in question. My own personal views were better withheld till the end of the war, when my usefulness as a military chief, serving in the field against the common enemy, shall no longer be compromised by their expression or discussion in any manner.

From many sources I have been addressed on the subject of the Presidency, and I do violence neither to myself nor to my position as an officer of the army by acknowledging to you, as I have done to all who have all ded to the use of my name in this exalted connection, that my services are ever at the will and call of the country, and that I am not prepared to say that I shall refuse if the country calls me to the presidential office, but that I can and shall yield to no call that does not come from the spontaneous action and free will of the nation at large, and void of the slightest agency of my own.

For the high honor and responsibilities of such an office, I take this occasion to say that I have not the slightest aspiration; a much more tranquil and satisfactory life, after the termination of my present duties awaits me, I trust, in the society of my family and particular friends, and in the Occupations most congenial to my wishes. In no case ean I permit myself to be the candidate of any party, or yield myself to party schemes.

With these remarks, I trust you will pardon me for thus briefly replying to you, which I do with a high opinion and decided approval of the sentiments and views embraced in your editorial.

With many wishes for your prosperity in life, and great usefulness in the sphere in which your talents and exertions are embarked, I beg to acknowledge myself, most truly and respectfully, your obedient servant,

Z. TAYLOR, Major General V. S. A. JAS. W. TAYLOR, Esq., Oincinnati, O. The next on the list is the letter to Dr. Bronson, declining any party nomination, and refusing to give any pledges.

HEADQUARTERS ARMY OF OCCUPATION, Camp near Monterey, August 10, 1847. SI: Your letter of the 17th ultimo, requesting of me an exposition of my views on the questions of national policy now at issue between the political parties of the United States, has duly reached me.

I must take occasion to say that many of my letters, addressed to gentlemen in the United States in answer to similar inquiries, have already been made public, and I had greatly hoped that all persons interested had by this time obtained from them: a sufficiently accurate knowledge of my views and desires in relation to this subject. As it appears, however, that such is not the case, I deem it proper, in reply to your letter, distinctly to repeat that I am not before the people of the United States as a candidate for the next Presidency. It is my great desire to return, at the close of this war, to the discharge of those professional duties, and to the enjoyment of those domestic pursuits, from which I was called at its commencement, and for which my tastes and education best fit ine.

I deem it but due to candor, to state at the same time, that if I were called to the presidential chair by the general

ences, I should deem it to be my duty to accept the office. But while I freely avow my attachment to the administrative policy of our early Presidents, I desire it to be understood that I cannot submit, oven in thas accepting it, to the exaction of any other pledg as to the course I should pursue than that of discharging its functions to the best of any ability, and strictly in aceeidsace with the requirements of the Constitution.

I have thus given you the circumstances under which only can I be induced to accept the high and responsible office of President of the United States. I need hardly add, that I cannot, in any case, permit myself to be brought before the people exclusively by any of the political parties that now so unfortunately divide our country, as their candidate for this office.

It affords me great plea-ure, in conclusion, fully to concur with you in your high and just estimate of the virtues, both of head and heart, of the distinguished citizens (Messrs. Clay, Webster, Adams, McDuffie, and Calhoun) mentioned in your letter. I have never exercised the privilege of voting; but had I been called upon at the last presidential election to do so, I should most certainly have cast my vote for Mr. Clay. I am, sir, very respectfully, Z. TAYLOR,

Major General United States Army. F. S. BRONSON, M. D., Charleston, S. O. Eleven days after the "Signal letter," General Taylor writes the following to a citizen of Lansingborg, New York:

HEADQUARTERS ARMY OF OCCUPATION,

Cump near Monterey, May 29, 1847. DEAR SIR: It is with much pleasure that I acknowledge the receipt of your most interesting letter of the 1st instant, and to which I desire to reply in terms more expressive of my thanks to you for your kind consideration for myself, and yet more so of my high appreciation of the upright and patriotic sentiments which are the principal tener of your letter; but I am burdened with official duties, and at this moment with many letters from distant sources, which require attention, and will necessarily oblige me to reply to you in few lines.

The presidential office presents no inducements to me to seek its honor or responsibilities; the tranquillity of private life, on the contrary, is the great object of my aspiration on the conclusion of the war; but I am not insensible to the persuasion that my services are yet due to the country, as the country shall see fit to command them. If still as a soldier, I am satisfied; if in higher and more responsible duties, desire not to oppose the manifest wish of the people. But I will not be the candidate of any party or clique; and should the nation at large seek to place me in the chair of the chief magistracy, the good of all parties and the national good would be my great and absorbing aim.

Sentiments such as these have been the burden of my replies to all who have addressed me on this subject, expressing the assurance that, by the spontaneous and unanimous voice of the people alone, and from no agency of my own, can I be withdrawn from the cherished hopes of private retirement and tranquillity when peace shall return. Please accept, with this my brief reply, the warm appreciation, and high consideration of yours, most sincerely, 2. TAYLOR,

Major General United States Army.

Reply to a Whig nomination.

HEADQUARTERS ARMY OF OCCUPATION, Brazos Island, (Texas,) November 25, 1847. DEAR SIR: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your favor of the 8th of October, conveying to me a copy of the proceedings of a meeting of my Whig friends at Wayne-burg, Pennsylvania.

I have read the resolutions adopted by the meeting with great pride and pleasure; and I beg you to convey to the members of the meeting, on a suitable occasion, my thanks for the distinguished honor they have so flatteringly bestowed upon me, and my assurance that I have no wish or intention of changing the position in which I stand towards the people of the country in relation to the Presidency, or the course which I have felt it my duty to pursue.

My thanks are due to you for the copy of your letter to the honorable Mr. Seaman, of New York, addressed to the New York Mirror.

I remain, dear sir, with high respect, your obedient servant, Z. TAYLOR, Major General Commanding United States Army. To honorable ANDREW STEWART,

I follow this letter to the well-known ultra Whig

voice of the people, without regard to their political differ-protectionist of Pennsylvania, (honorable Andrew

Stewart,) with another reply, written on the same day, to H. A. Muhlenburg, esq., president of a Democratic State convention nominating General Taylor as a Democratic candidate:

HEADQUARTERS ARMY OF OCCUPATION,

Brazos Island, (Texas, ) November 25, 1847. Sra: I take great pleasure in acknowledging the receipt of your faver of the 9th October, enclosing to me a copy of the proceedings of the Democratie Taylor State convention, which assembled at Harrisburg, Pennsylvania. The resolutions of the meeting have given me great pleasure and satisfaction, as the expression of high respect and consideration from the people of Pennsylvania. I embrace the earliest moment to acknowledge my appreciation of the high honor thus bestowed upon me by their nomination of me for the Presidency. For yourself, I will not fail to express my thankfulness for the very courteous and acceptable manner in which you have conveyed to me the proceedings of the convention.

Iremain, dear sir, with high respect, your most obedient servant, Z. TAYLOR, Mjor Generul United States Army,

[merged small][merged small][ocr errors][merged small][merged small][merged small][ocr errors][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][ocr errors][merged small][ocr errors][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][ocr errors][merged small][merged small][ocr errors][ocr errors][merged small][merged small][ocr errors][merged small]

Commissioner off

Indian Affairs... W. Medill, Commissioner of

Indian Affairs, Chief Clerk..... John Cochran, Commissioner of

Pensions. Commissioner of Pensions, Chief] Clerk Commissioner off Patents.. Commissioner Or Patents, Chief Clerk...

Examiners........、、、

As't Examiners,

[merged small][ocr errors]

J. L. Edwards,

d'Orlando Brown, w

dA. S. Loughery, w

wJ. L. Edwards, W

J. G. Berrett,

3

Edmund Burke,

[merged small][ocr errors][merged small]

H. II. Sylvester dDWCLawrence, w Charles Page, w Charles Page,

EV

WPNFitzgerald, w WPN Fitzgerald, w

H. B. Renwick,
L. D. Gale,
J. H. Lane,
T. R. Peale,
Samuel Cooper,

C. Douglas, U. S. Marshal..... Wallace, City Postmaster....C. K. Gardiner,

City

Postmaster,

Chief Clerk...... J. E. Kendall, Navy Agent. W. B. Scott,

D

F. B. Key,

District Attorney.. Warden of Penitentiary

Chief of Bureau of Provisions and Clothing...

[ocr errors]

wH. R. Renwick, w WL. D. Gale,

wJ. H. Lane,

wT. R. Peale,

W

W

W

dSamuel Cooper, d T. J. Everett,

[blocks in formation]

C. P. Sengstack, dThomas Fitnam, w

Gideon Welles,

1st Assistant Postmaster General,,S. R. Hobbie, 2d Assistant Post

master General..W. J. Brown, 3d Assistant Post

master General.. John Marron, War Department. Chief Clerk Quar

Wm. Sinclair, w

dS. R. Hobbie, d dFitz H. Warren, w

d John Marron,

[merged small][merged small][merged small][ocr errors]

d...

[merged small][ocr errors][merged small][merged small]

F. N. Barbarin, w

[ocr errors]

G. A. Harrington,w

W

neers G. Thompson, Chief Clerk Ordnance

W

Geo. Bender,

[ocr errors]

dE. C. Seaman, W dA. K. Parris, d dJ. M. Brodhead, d dr. L. Smith, dM. H. Miller,

W

W W

d

Chief Clerk

W

[blocks in formation]

d Philip Clayton, w d Win.Mechlin, wJ. S. Gallaher, W w Jas. Thompson, w

Chief Clerk............. Thos. Mustin, w Thos. Mustin,

6th Auditor.

[ocr errors][ocr errors]
[merged small][merged small][ocr errors][ocr errors]

P.G.Washington, dJ. W. Farrelly,

Thos. E. Browne, dThos E. Browne, d Wm. Selden, d Wm. Selden, d Chief Clerk..... W. B. Randolph, w W. B. Randolph, w Regist'r Treasury,.D. Graham,

Chief Clerk..... M. Nourse,

Solicitor of

the

Land Office..............R. M. Young,

dT. Haines,

W

w M. Nourse,

W

[blocks in formation]
[blocks in formation]

Recorder of Laud

Office......

[merged small][merged small][merged small][ocr errors][merged small][merged small][merged small]

Chief Clerk Public
Lands.....
Chief Clerk Private
Land Claims..
Chief Clerk Sur-
of

veys...... Commissioner

Customs..

Commissioner of

Customs, Chief

Clerk......

[ocr errors]

J. 8. Wilson, Juo. Wilson,

[ocr errors]

d

W

[blocks in formation]
[merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][ocr errors][ocr errors][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small]

and Clothing.... W. S. Parrott, Chief Clerk

BuMedicine and Surgery.....M. Poor,

reau

W

After some remarks by Mr. BELL, on the subject,

Mr. BRIGHT said: It was not my intention to have said a word on this subject, but the remarks of the honorable Senator from Tennessee have struck me with so much surprise, and differ so widely from what I regard as the facts in the case, that I feel compelled (late as it is) to ask the indulgence of the Senate for a few moments, while I attempt a short reply to one or two of his positions.

The Senator must have doubtless proceeded at some length with his remarks before I entered the Chamber, and I am not quite sure that I understand the tenor of those I have heard. If I misquote him, however, I hope he will please to correct me. I understood the honorable Senator to say that the present Executive had not, since his induction into office, violated any pledge or pledges given to the country before his election, in reference to removals from office.

Mr. BELL. I said so, according to anything that I had a personal knowledge of in my own section of the country; and I believe, unless he has been misled, he has done it nowhere.

was founded, the Executive itself stands forth as the public accuser and the removed as the crimi nals. Is it not, then, due to this Administration that it should clear itself of the fearful responsibility of this wholesale denunciation of thousands of our fellow-citizens? Does the honorable Senator (who seems to speak with a full knowledge of the acts and doings of the present Administration) know of instances in which false charges have been filed against incumbents by persons who sought their removal that they might themselves occupy their places, and who have actually succeeded in their efforts?

Mr. BELL. I do not-and if any man has done so, and obtained office by such means, I would instantly seek his removal. I venture, however, that there is not a case of that sort in existence. If it is shown that such a thing has been done, knowingly, I should myself be disposed to | denounce the Executive as false to his pledges and the country, Mr. BRIGHT. With this avowal from the HT. honorable Senator, I come now to the point in controversy, and the important point involved in the resolutions offered by the Senator from Maine. I say there are cases (and I speak knowingly) where honest, upright, just men, faithful officers of unspotted integrity, have been removed on fulse charges-whether preferred directly by the successful applicant, or be some faithful friend, "or by some disinterested patriot," can only be known to us (who are out of the pale of Executive conthe friends of the Administration fear the revelation of charges upon which removals have been made? If its victims were guilty, it is they who should fear, and not the judges who have acted on high constitutional obligations.

Mr. BRIGHT. I am at a less whether to give the response of the honorable Senator a general or special interpretation. I presume he means, by his own section," the State of Tennessee. If so, I have no right, and do not, after his statement, contradict him. But if the honorable Senator would have his declaration general, or broad enough to embrace the State I have the honor to represent, then I take issue with him. Sir, I here declare publicly, upon my responsibility as a Senator, that the indiscriminate removals, made at the time, and under the circumstances attending them, amount, in my judgment, to a most flagrant and daring violation of the many and repeated pledges given by the present Executive to the public; without which pledges, in my opinion, he could not have been elected. What a spectacle is here presented; one that, as an American, I will not characterize as it deserves. Respect for the nation,fidence) by the passage of these resolutions. Do and respect for that high office, filled by the in cumbent, restrain a full expression of my sentiments. That pledges were given, none are so bold as to deny. Now let us see how they were kept in my State, Indiana. There are some twenty or more Federal officers in that State, subject to the approval of this body; of these, one alone remains, a monument of Executive forbearance-an Executive that commended himself to the people for their suffrages on the ground that he "loathed proscription.' Besides these, there are a hundred or more (whose names do not come here for confirmation) other mementoes of the manner in which pledges made before an election are afterwards redeemed.

[ocr errors]

Mr. BELL. Do you mean this generally?
Mr. BRIGHT. I am now speaking of the con-
duct of the Executive as applicable to my own
State.

Several SENATORS. It is alike applicable to

ours.

Mr. BRIGHT. I understood the honorable Senator from Tennessee to say that the files of the several departments would show, that for all cases of removals there had been a cause. If so, it becomes a matter of serious interest to those who appreciate the value of an unsullied reputation, and who prize fair fame far above office or its emoluments, (as many do, and as I trust every man does,) to know what the causes are that have been alleged against them, and upon which the Executive grounded its action. It belongs to every man to have the offences with which he stands charged read out, that a disinterested public may decide for itself on the guilt or innocence of a fellow-citizen, and not that a corps of interested officials should pronounce a star-chamber sentence. In the absence of the charges upon which Executive action

[ocr errors]
[ocr errors]
[ocr errors]
[ocr errors]

Mr. President, I should not advocate this meas ure, where it not coupled with the circumstances under which these removals have been made; I am one of those who contend for the right of an Administration to choose its own officers. Had there been no pledges in advance, committing the Executive to a fixed policy on this subject; had there been no pretence of " proscribing proscription;' had the friends of the Administration, after the violation of its sacred pledges, abstained from seiting up the monstrous defence that "no removals had taken place but for cause," I should not advocate these resolutions. The broken faith, the attainment of power at the expense of truth, the general beheadment of Democratic incumbents the Union over, not only taking their offices, but aiming an indirect, if not to say direct, blow at their reputations-these are the considerations which impel and prompt me to the support of these resolutions, and ought, as I conceive, to bring to their support every gentleman friendly to the late Administration. *

Let but the Administration avow that their unprecedented proscriptive policy, which has no parallel in our history, is based upon political grounds, and it would relieve the friends of the late Administration from vindicating the implied condemnation now resting upon them. Unless this be done, of which I have no hope, organized a the present Administration is, I feel that it is my duty, and the duty of every Senator on this side of the Chamber, to press these resolutions to their adoption. The sequel, in my humble judgment,

« ՆախորդըՇարունակել »