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that emancipated us; and he who cannot see His divine interposition thoughout this administration is an infidel or a fool—he may have his choice. I predict that, if the same means are to . be used by the federalists to secure the election of their candidate, I mean drunken orgies, empty and profane songs, coon-skins, hard-cider carousals, and their kindred and criminal means, perjury, treason, falsehood, corruption, bribery, Swindling, and blasphemy; and the end to be effected by such means is to break down our free institutions, trample upon the constitution, and subvert human liberty, the result will be as it has been . The workers of such iniquity will fall before the breath and vengeance of a just God, as grass before the scythe. A speak of the guilty, not of the innocent. But John Tyler did not turn traitor; John Tyler has done nothing to merit such a charge. This charge is made, because he yetoed the bank bill. $ The whigs caught a Tartar when they elected John Tyler—that is, they elected an honest man. He was raised a democrat, and prior to 1833 had always been a democrat, and a member of the democratic party: some of his last official acts, when a member of the United States Senate, were directed with ability and eloquence against the flank of the United States. He was a warm and ardent supporter of General Jackson, and all the leading measures of his administration, until what was talled the proclamation made its appearance. To some of the doctrines contained in that paper, he took exceptions, and for a time withdrew his support and influence from the democratic party, under the supposition that he had abandoned the democratic principles. The whig Harrisburg convention nominated him for Vice President, with a view to unite the Whig slaveholders of the South with the Whig abolitionists of the North against the democracy of the North and South. Mr. Tyler was not questioned as to his political principles prior to his election; consequently, he was under no pledge as to what measures he would or would not support. President Harrison died; Mr. Tyler took his place, untrameled to any party, bound alone by motives and principles of patriotism, with a free judgment, and I believe an honest heart, Soon after the executive duties devolved on him, the extra session was called, and one of the first acts of the session was to pass a bill to incorporate a national bank. John Tyler vetoed it, and that is his great offence; for it, he has been denounced far and wide, by every hireling whig press, as a traitor, and by every whig demagogue as a scoundrel. The short of the story is, that the whigs were playing a fraudutent game when they elected John Tyler, and they got caught in their own met. I am no Tyler man, but it is due to my feelings and to justice, to say that the democracy and the country owe Mr. Tyler a debt of gratitude which will only be paid when the party strife which overshadows good and rewards evil shall have passed away, and merit and worth shall have a place in the political history of our country. When General Jackson heard that John Tyler had vetoed that bill of abominations, he thanked his {}od that “awe had one homest man left.” When General Jackson, in 1832, vetoed the bil. to recharter the Bank of the United States, every heart and every tongue of every patriot was full of gratitude and praise. It was said that, under all circumstances then existing, (meaning the power of the bank and the strength and influence of the bank party,) there was no other aan living who had

where it properly belongs,

the serve and the moral courage to brave the storm, but General Jackson. John Tyler did the same thing, under as fearful circumstances, Why should he not have the same amount of gratitude and praise? “Render unto Cosar the things which are Casar’s.” Mr. Tyler has done things that I regret. I regret that he signed the bill to repeal the independent treasury. I regret that he signed the bankrupt bish, by which just claims to the amount of millions were repudiated, swindlers encouraged, and scoundrels discharged from their honest obligations. I regret, above all, that he signed the bill to provide for the distribution of the proceeds of the public lands–a. measure that, in its effect and object, was designed to plunder the people and bribe the States. But of ałł this the democracy, as a party, have no right to contplain. Mr. Tyler was not of their choice, nor is he indebted to thern for his situation. He has done a)] for the democracy that they could hope, and more than they had a right to expect. Permit me to take this occasion, to say that no blame is to be attached to the President for the profligaey and extravagance of this administration, It was the people's representatives in the House and Senate who made the appropriations of the people's phoney, and not the President. i.et the blame rest * “Let justice be done, though the heavens should fail.” Mr. Speaker, from the very nature of our government, and from the nature of the representative cha:acter, the people have a right to demand and to know the principles and the measures which shaft govern and be sustained by every candidate for of. fice in the event of his election; and that right to demand earries witi, it the duty and the obligation, on the part of the candidate, to answer all interrogatories, made in a proper manner, and from proper motives, touching the duties, measures and principles, which shall govera him in the event of his election. That right and that duty were both via olated in the contest of 1840, by the federal candi. dates for office. The candidate for the presidency was interrogated as to what sheasures and what principles would govern him in the event of election? Those interrogatories were put to him from proper motives, and in a proper manner; but he refused to answer, and the people were given to understand that he would give “ne opinion for the public eye.” A pational bank, a high protective tariff, the independent treasury, the assumption of the State debts, and the distribution of the proceeds of the sales of the public lands, were all questions in which the people felt a deep interest. They were the great questions, which had often agitated the country, and had divided the two great parties from the commencement of the government to that time, and still continue to do so. But it was a part of the whig organization to conceal their principles, and to substitute an honest and fearless expose of princi. ples with log cabin parades, Tippecanoe songs, coorskin displays, and such disgraceful flummery. When the whigs were cornered, and compelled to show their hand, they denied that they were in favor of those

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high-toned federal measures which had always char

acterized the federal party, and which had always been acknowledged as federal oxeasures. Mr. Speaker, I am one of those who believe that the march of intellect and moral and philosophical improvement has not been so great as some suppose. I believe that mankind would now be what they were many thousand years ago, if they were sure rounded by the same of similar circumstances. That we have not improved in many of the arts and sciences, both architectural and fine, the yaonu

sments of Egypt, Greece, and Rome, that have sur- |

vived the destructive hand of time for more than three thousand years, plainly demonstrate. They display, at this day, a mechanical and philosophical power, and a success in fine arts, which no wisdom of this day can imitate. The pyramids of Egypt, the temples and lofty columns (though in ruins) of £reece, and the obelisks of Rome, not only surpa

our imitation, but confound our wonder. Paintings are yet to be found, that have survived half the age of the world, whose delicacy and beauty confound the most splendid artists of our day, and from which every artist must take lessons, before he can be considered accomplished. Nor, even in this Christian day, and this Christian land, have we improved in morals and religion. The Egyptians, for want of a revealed Deity, worshipped crocodiles, eats, snakes, and toads. The Grecians worshipped owls, and held their drunken feasts, in congregated thousands, in honor of Bacchus, and carried and displayed jugs of wine and baskets of grapes, and decorated themselves with wine-leaves. The Romans nourished and revered geese, and through and by thern expected political blessings and domestic happiness. "The whig portion of this nation, with a revealed reHigion, a revealed Deity, and a Divine Mediator,

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adore and worship cooirs, possums, Snapping-turtles,

and skunks, and through and by them expect political prosperity and domestic happiness, now and hereafter; and, Grecian like, they hold their drunken carousals in congregated thousands, in which they display their gourds of hard cider and their baskets of parched corn and corn-dodgers, and ornament themselves with buckeye leaves. Sir, I think we have roade no such advancements as we sometimes boast of H can fancy too, sir, that I can see wisdom in some of the ancient customs and usages, even in pagan countries and pagan times, which we have almost jost sight of Some of the ancients were in the habit of consulting their augurs and soothsayers as to the próbable result of great national undertakings, as well as to the result of private enterprise. 'The augurs and soothsayers determined their judgment and their predictions by an inspection of the entrails of animals; and in certain qualities which they perceived by such inspections, they disclosed and foretold the fate of battles and the prosperity or ruin of kingdoms and downfall of nations; and even the motives and secret springs and principles of the human heart, were read in those anatomical inspections. That piece of ancient wisdom led me to a research after whig principles in the absence of any and all declaration of principle; for I perceive that the whig party are determined to conduct the coming political contest in the same manner and by the same means by which it was conducted in 1840. There is to be “no declaration of principles for the public eye.” A political friend of mine sent me a drawing of a dissected coon, with a polite and respectful note, asking me to make some public use of it to the end that whig principles raight be gene

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rally understood. I have carefully examined the internai viscera of this beast of whig pagan adoration, i.Here Mr. D. held up a beautiful painting of a coon, with the entire internal viscera exposed, and each organ and part colored to life.] I find (said Mr. D.) this animal to contain within the cavity of its abdomen, all the leading principles of the federal party. The measures which have ever distinguished them as a party, and the names they have assumed at different times for political effect. The characters, initials and hieroglyphics, demonstrating modern whig principles, measures, and names, are Greek; from which it would appear that this same old coom lived in the days of the Grecian republics, three thousand years ago. I have deciphered and translated the Greek characters, and have supplied their place with the English translation; and, when thus translated, the following result appears, viz: In the heart of this coon—which may not only be regarded to some extent the seat of life, but also the seat of good and evil passions,—I say in the heart of this coon ax found the secret principles of the whig party expressed in the word “tory,” plainly and distinctly written. On the right lobe of the lungs is written “national bank,” and on the left, “old federalism.”—all within the cavity of the thorax. Below the diaphragm, &nd within the cavity of the abdomen, we ind the balance of the whig principles, measures, and names, distinctly marked, beginning with the pancreas, and descending through the whole line of the abdominal contents. To save the time of anatomical demonstration, I will merely name, at present, the whig principles and names as I find them disclosed in the bowels of this beast; and, for the benefit of all my readers, I will procure a cut, to accompany my speech in pamphlet form, which will give them an ocular demonstration of whig. principles, which it has so long been the effort of the party to conceal from the “public eye.” But to progress: on one organ is marked “Hartford convention;” on another, “protective tariff;” on another, “assumption of the State debts; on another, “distribution of the proceeds of the public lands;” on another, “the rich and well-born should govern;” on another, “let the government take care of the rich, and the rich wili take care of the poor.” So much for whig. principles. Now for the different names which the party have assumed for the purposes of political effect and political deception. Here they are to be found in the bowels of this same old coon:—federal party, anti-war party, bank party, Adams party, Clay party, national republican party, antimasonic party, fog-cabin party, hard-cider party, Tippecanoe party, corn-dodger party, abolition party, and, in the tail-end of this coom, we find the last name— whig party:-tory at heart, and whig in the tail! I have examined the brain of this animal with great care, but I can find neither characters nor hieroglyphics, ancient or modern, which can guide me to any conclusion other than that, like most of those who make it an object of adoration, it (the brain) is of small quantity and of poor quality.

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But, sir, these are foot aii the advantages and discoveries I have drawn from the anatomical examipation I have made, and thus disclosed in “this same old coon;” I perceive very distinctly, by the disordered state of the various organs which I have examined, that they plainly predict the entire overthrow of the federal party, and, with their overthrow, the downfall of all their high-toned federal yeasures. Their fate seems to be as distinctly marked in the entrails of this animal of whig adoration, as was the fate of Belshazzar upon the wall of his palace chamber; and all the terror that seized him, now shakes them.

I think, sir, s can perceive, with the same dis

tinctness which guided the ancient oracles, in the bowels of this emblem of whig principles, the very States which will cast their votes for the democratic norainee of the convention to be held in Baltimore. i predict from these signs, with oracular certainty, that Louisiana, Mississippi, Alabama, Georgia, South Carolina, North Carolina, Virginia, New Jersey, New York, New Hampshire, Pennsylvania, Maine, Michigan, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Missouri, Arkansas, Tennessee, and Connecticut, will triunaph in the election of their respective number of democratic electors, which will be one of the most triumphant and glorious victories which the democyacy of this country or any other ever gained. This is my prediction; and let no whig pagan so profane himself and his coon religion as to repudiate it; for it is drawn from irresistible signs, displayed in the vitals of the animal of his most sacred and political devotion and reverence. Then I would say, in the Spirit of all caudor, Go ahead, democrats—the signs are in your favor. Unfurl your banner to the breeze, Triumph will be yours. Victory will once Ynore perch upon the democratic standard. Once ymore you will teach the revisers of republican government, and the enemies of free institutions, that the people are capable of self-government, Mr. Speaker, patriotism is the spirit by which our political fabrie is held together. The elective franchise is the soul of our republic, and the freeman's boast. Let it be supported, and it will Gupport all the rest; all will be safe. The solemnity of the legal and judicial oath is the sheet-anchor of all our moral, religious, and political institutions. flet corruption pollute the ballot-box, and perjury corrupt the sacred sanctuary of truth, and all is Post. Our institutions, political, moral, and religious, will all sink together, and the offspring will be as it was in the French revolution. Your legislative halls will present but scenes of butchery, Plunder, norder, and arson, wiłl be but legatized crimes, And, too, as in the French revolution, your Sabbath

&ill be changed to a decade, and the house of God

to a stable. The word of God and your revealed religion will be paraded through your streets on ar. ass, in contemptuous ridicule, and consumed on botfires. . Your Redeemer will be postponed to a fourderer, and your Maker to a prostitute, styled the goddess of Reason. Your judiciary will be coriverted into a triumvirate; your seats of justice into a guillotine; and your fields will be drenched in biood. These, sir, will fill the measure of such iniquity, such frauds, such perjury, and such treason, as were practised in 1840, if persisted in, inchecked and unrestrained.

The passage of this bill will destroy the teroptotion and the means to perpetrate such violence. Let the whirlwinds and tempests of party spirit and party passion run mountain high; the safety of the republic, the purity of the ballot-box, and the sectrity of our free institutions, will not be drawn into the vortex and wreck of ruin. Can we not lay aside all party feelings for this time, and on this occasion, and come up as one man in support of this measure: Now is the time—now is the day. We are on the eye of another presidential election, which wiłł elicit every feeling and every corrupt passion which party strife can engender; and is there not danger that the same scenes of 1840 will be acted over? Is there not danger that our moral, our political, our free, and our religious institutions, may receive another shock, which may palsy thern beyond recovery?

Sir, my heart is fixed and set on the passage of this bill; and I feel as though i have a right to appeal to the patriotism of this House for its support; and if i had the voice of thunder, I would extead that appeal to the remotest parts of this Union. i would awaken the attention of every patriot, of every lover of human liberty, and of our free institutions and their duration, to the support of this measure. 1 would invoke him, in the namá of human ilberty, and on behalf of his free institutions, by which he expects to perpetuate that liberty; in the name of that majesty which is his, by the rights of a freeman, to send forth his voice to this hail, and demand, and command his representative to support this bill—to make this bill a law of this land.

I would extend that appeal, too, to every press, the potent engine of human liberty, and the terror of crowned heads. I would ask them to raise the strong arm and the loud voice in favor of this bill. i would say to them, now is the time, and this is the occasion, which demand that influence which is theirs, i would ask that same influence in behalf and in support of this measure, which has demolished thrones, torn crowns from the heads of despots, broken crosiers, and redeemed 33.tions,

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THE HE IRS OF JOHN PA U L J O NES.

IN HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, FEBRUARY 11, 1848.

WASHINGTON:
PosNTED AT THE CONGRESSIONAL, GLOBE OFFICEo
1848,

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