IMMIGRATION INTO THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, FROM A STATISTICAL AND NATIONAL-ECONOMICAL POINT OF VIEW. BY LOUIS SCHADE, OF WASHINGTON, D. C. WASHINGTON : IMMIGRATION INTO THE UNITED STATES. The subject of the immigration of foreigners into the United States has become one of the gravest questions of the day. To show the importance of that immigration, from a statistical and national-economical point of view, is what is intended by this work. Emigration is as old as mankind. The first history of men is nothing but a narration of events which befell individuals or whole nations whilst migrating from one country to another, pictured by single deeds of gallantry or depravity of prominent men. In general, emigration has always flowed from east to west. The ancient Greeks established colonies in almost every section of the coast of the Mediterranean and Black seas. Among them only freemen, but no slaves were permitted to emigrate. Greek arts and science, especially on the Asiatic shore, flourished in the midst of barbarians for centuries. Homer himself was born in one of these colonies. The same was the case with the Phoenicians and Carthagenians. The Romans conquered, but did not colonize in the same sense. The great migrations of nations at the end of the Roman empire, 376 after Christ, were nothing but warlike expeditions, incited by victories of others, and the imbecility, effeminacy, and consequent weakness, of the western European nations. Of the mediaval age, the expeditions of the Normans, the Crusades, the settlements of the Teutonic and other orders in Prussia and Livonia, were half expeditions for adventures, half colonizations-a desire of actions, which, especially after the discovery of the route around the Cape of Good Hope to the East Indies, and, a few years later, of America, we meet with in southern Europe; however, the greater part of the southerners returned to Europe, after having made a fortune, or having otherwise been either successful or disappointed in their expectations, and therefore it was more speculation than emigration in our sense. After the Reformation, religious persecutions drove a good many persons from their homes. But emigration in the American sense was unknown to the ancient and middle ages. The emigrants to this country came not as conquerors fighting for their native sovereign, or to increase, by their labor, his finances and revenues, but for the purpose of founding a new home, a new fatherland. They came to the land of their choice as freemen, with the expectation to die also as such. In the catalogue of "injuries and usurpations" on which the immortal signers of the Declaration of Independence based their résolution to defy the power of the king of Great Britain, the following stands conspicuous: "He has endeavored to prevent the population of these States; for that purpose obstructing the laws for naturalization of foreigners; refusing to pass others to encourage their migration hither, and raising the conditions of new appropriations of lands." These, amongst others, were enumerated as evidences of a direct object on the part of the British king to establish "an absolute tyranny over these States." The founders of our republic, therefore, favored immigration, and to that end denounced the obstructions to naturalization, and the refusal to "encourage migration hither" by George the Third, as acts of tyranny. The illustrious patriots who framed the constitution introduced into it a clause empowering Congress to adopt a "uniform rule of naturalization." The first Congress which assembled under the constitution, composed in a great degree of the same sages and statesmen who had signed the Declaration of Independence and framed the constitution, enacted a law by which any free white alien, who had resided two years within the United States, might become a citizen. This law was passed in March, 1790. In January, 1795, the term of residence, prior to admission as a citizen, was increased to five years. Such was the legislation during President Washington's two terms. In June, 1798, after John Adams became President, and when federalism held sway in the government, the term of residence, prior to admission to citizenship, was increased to fourteen years. It so continued until April, 1802, when, Mr. Jefferson being President, and democracy in the ascendant, the term was reduced to the Washington standard of five years, and so it has remained down to the present day. It is now proposed by the modern order of patriots, who delight in the name of know-nothings, to prevent the further immigration of foreigners by repealing the naturalization laws entirely, if that is found practicable, and, if not, to obstruct it as much as possible by extending the term of residence to twenty-one years. Their first proposition is substantially the policy of the king of Great Britain, which the signers of the Declaration denounced to the world as tyrannical; their alternative proposition is substantially the policy of the federalists of 1798, except that it is worse by just one-half. The democrats stand upon the platform first erected under Washington, and re-established under Jefferson, for carrying into practical effect the policy proclaimed by the signers of the Declaration of Independence. I propose now to vindicate the wisdom and patrotism of the fathers. of the republic against the reckless and factious attacks of the modern federal advocates of the policy of king George the Third. Upon the principle which these model patriots now promulgate, they would have been on the side of the British king in 1776, and in 1798 they would have passed as acceptable federalists. If immigration is wrong now, it was wrong then; if obstructions to naturalization are right now, they were right then. We are not without reliable data on which to determine whether know-nothings are wiser and more patriotic than Washington, Jefferson, Madison, and the host of sages and statesmen who have concurred with them in encouraging immigration and facilitating naturalization. We have the fruits of their policy, and by that standard we will judge of its wisdom. With the exception of four years, the democratic policy, as to immigration and naturalization, has been in force from the beginning of the government to the present time. We commenced with thirteen States and a free population of less than three millions and a |