land or Irishmen, for the best and noblest of all
human reasons--because both have been in some
sense unfortunate. There is still another and a
higher view of this matter, and one which seems
to me to rise above all the etiquette of diplomacy.
In one sense the people of this country and of
Great Britain and Ireland, may be considered as
one great distinct family of the human race, con-
nected by strong, natural, and traditional rela-
tions, which exist to the same extent amongst no
other people on earth-blood, language, literature,
the memories of the past and the hopes of the
future. America may be considered, not only the
second home, but the ultimate home of millions
who are born under the British flag. How, then,
can it even be suspected, that under all these cir-
cumstances an application of this kind could offend
the British Government? So far from being of-
fensive, sir, in my humble opinion it is compli-
mentary to that Government. I firmly believe the
British Government will not refuse this request.
I can scarcely see how any Government, at this
age of the world, can well refuse to grant a re-
quest, preferred in such a disinterested spirit as
this is, for such a humane and merciful object.
The British Government has nothing to gain by
continuing these men in confinement, and nothing
to risk in their liberation. It has nothing to fear
from Irish agitation now. Ireland is at this mo-
ment as feeble, helpless, and hopeless, as the most
anti-Irish heart can desire. Her nationality is
gone; her hopes are crushed; her ancient gener-
ous race is becoming extinct. She has no future
or if she has, it is a dark one. At such a time,
and under such circumstances, how can any Gov-
ernment, great and powerful as the English Gov-
ernment is, retain the last defenders of such a
nation in captivity?

many sterling qualities-industry, perseverance, and fortitude; but with all these qualities, such is the vast load which is now pressing upon them, they will be compelled, in my opinion, in the first general convulsion-the first political tempest that shakes the continent of Europe-to fling off the load or perish under its weight. Every Englishman feels this. Every English statesman knows it. With power to put the world at defiance, their circumstances are such, that they are afraid to exercise that power. They cannot employ their power against others without seriously injuring themselves. This may be fortunate for the rest of the world, but it is very unfortunate for England.

There is a volume of instruction in the present condition of England. Every American statesman should study it with attention. The debt which now weighs upon the heart of Englandand which no other nation on this earth could support for a single day-was not contracted for any great English object or interest. I am not disposed to engage in a discussion at this time upon the question of intervention or non-intervention; but I repeat, the English debt, or the principal part of it, was not contracted for any great British interest, but for what was plainly and emphatically a continental interest, to crush Napoleon, to defend Austria, Russia, and Prussia, to maintain the old royalties and aristocracies of Europe. Well, the object was accomplished, the old despotisms were sustained, England and Englishmen were mortgaged "to the last syllable of recorded time" to accomplish this desirable object. And what is the result? What is the state of the continent at this moment? Why, from the Frozen ocean to the Mediterranean sea, the despotisms of Europe were never before as closely bound together in deep hostility to England, as they are in this year of our Lord 1852. This, too, after all her sacrifices in behalf of venerable despotism. This is her present position, and this is the present condition of Europe. Sir, at such a time, and after such experience, it is perfectly natural that the people of England should turn their hearts and thoughts to America. It is not only natural but politic, that they should begin to cultivate the friendship of a great kindred people who, from the rapid growth of their population and power, and the extraordinary advantages of their geographical position, will soon be able to influence the destinies of nations, by throwing their whole weight into the scale of liberty, justice, and humanity. And permit me to say, that so far as I know the American heart, I feel bound to declare, that if the English people prove true to themselves and just to their fellow subjects-if they assert and maintain the great principles of religious and political liberty, they will find a more generous sympathy and a more effective, unbought, and unpurchasable support on this continent, in the hour of need, than they can ever hope to purchase or subsidize, with the duplicate of their national debt, upon the continent of Europe. The example of England herself would be, perhaps, the best argument we could use in favor of this resolution, or to enforce this

At this age of the world, I think it is generally admitted, that to punish a man for a political offence, without a very strong political necessity, is not an act of justice or self-defence; but, on the contrary, an act of cruel, useless, and impolitic vengeance. The British Government is too proud and powerful to stoop to the wicked weakness of vengeance. I think the present a very favorable time for moving in this affair, and for preferring this request. The most friendly relations exist at this time between this country and Great Britain. There is a strong feeling of mutual regard and common interest, and perhaps, I may add, a sense of common danger uniting the people of both countries at this moment, in close and intimate connection. The English people, so far as I can observe, are beginning to appreciate the character, resources, and institutions of this country, and to look with something like admiration upon the growth of this continental Republic. Not only England, but the world begins to see and acknowledge, that this nation is destined to future supremacy. America is the predestined mistress of the future. Such is not the condition of England herself. Great and powerful as England is at this day—and the world admits that she is great and powerful-her circumstances are such, that she will be forced to compromise with the future.request. Her history, in fact, is full of examples, She has power, strength, and energy; but her energies may be said to be fettered. She is like a giantess in chains. Her immense debt constitutes her chains and her fetters. The English people are strong and patient. They possess a great

not only of intercession, but of interference in the internal affairs of other nations. But I will confine myself on this occasion to a recent familiar instance in relation to the Hungarians. England interfered directly in behalf of Kossuth and

his companions-while we merely intercede for recognizes as patriotism. An Irish patriot hears Smith O'Brien and his associates. She defended himself pronounced guilty in what is called the these Hungarians against Austria and Russia; sanctuary of justice, while he feels in the sanctuwe only appeal to her own clemency for the ary of his heart that he stands guiltless before God liberation of Irish patriots. She contributed to and his country. This must be all perfectly unthe liberation of Austrian subjects, although they derstood to appreciate the conduct of these men. are, in a certain sense, still dangerous to the Aus- In the eye of the law they are convicted felons; but trian Government. We simply request the lib-in every honest manly Irish heart they are received eration of British subjects, whose freedom, in my and recognized as Irish patriots. And why should opinion, at this time, will serve to strengthen the it be otherwise? You must destroy the heart beEnglish Government. We all recollect the uni- fore you can destroy this sentiment. Ireland is versal delight with which the American people their native country; they saw her lying around witnessed the first interference of England in be- them in ruins. They made a desperate effort to half of the Hungarian exiles. When the British collect the broken fragments and bind them together fleet appeared at the mouth of the Dardanelles into something like nationality. The effort failed; when the Red Cross of England joined the Cres- it was bound to fail. The spirit of Irish nationcent of Mahomet, and blazed in defence of the ality is dead. But I will ask any generous Amerexile and the unfortunate-all America, with one ican heart-I will put it even to any generous Engvoice, shouted glory and honor to the flag of Old lish heart, whether these men are to be blamed, England. She acted gloriously on that occasion. in the present wretched condition of Ireland, for Her conduct called forth the applause of the lib- making the attempt? Who can blame Smith eral world. But now we have to moderate this O'Brien, whose ancestors were kings in Ireland beapplause, when we think of Van Diemen's Land. fore Saxon, Dane, or Norman ever planted a foot We give her credit for her generosity abroad, but on Irish soil, for making an attempt, however we are sorry to be compelled to refuse her equal hopeless, to raise and resuscitate his fallen councredit for her clemency at home. Patriotism can- try? In fact, who can blame any Irishman for not be a virtue in Hungary and a crime in Ireland. seeking to effect a radical change in the condition England may be able to make some distinction of his country? Since no change consistent with between the two cases, but the world will refuse social existence can make her condition worse than to recognize it. She will raise her national char- it is at this time. Poor Ireland! Her history is a acter in the estimation of the world-she will es- sad one. It is written in the tears and blood of her tablish her disinterestedness before the tribunal of|| children. Her sons have been so long accustomed history and posterity-if she follow up her con- to injustice, that they regard themselves as aliens duct towards the Hungarians with the liberation and outcasts in the very land that God gave them of the Irish exiles. As it is, her conduct is se- as a heritage. Yet they love their country with verely criticised on the continent of Europe. The all the fervor of the Irish heart. The more she Austrians and Russians especially accuse her of suffers, the more they love her. This love has hypocrisy-of violating the great law of moral become almost a part of their religion, and of their and political consistency-of traversing half the fervent devotion to their God. As her own sweet globe in defence and support of Hungarian patri- poet has so truly and beautifully said: ots, while at the same time she proscribes, banishes, and imprisons Irish patriots. They say English philanthropy is like the philanthropy of the elder Mirabeau, who was styled "The Friend || of Man," for his universal benevolence, while he practiced at the same time, within the bosom of his own family, the most cruel, heartless, and unrelenting tyranny. This is the kind of indictment the continent prefers against England at this time. I am not prepared to indorse it. On the contrary, I am thoroughly convinced she will avail herself of the first favorable opportunity to clear her reputation from any such reproach. I am inclined to think she will feel thankful to this Government, for supplying her with a fair occasion, a graceful pretext, to perform a humane and politic act: The world will then see that she is not governed, either in her foreign or domestic policy, by jealousy of Russia or hatred of Austria, but by a great principle of philanthropy and humanity. If we weigh the conduct of these Irish patriots, not in legal but in moral scales, we will find much to justify their attempt. They loved their native country. There is no moral guilt in this. On the contrary, the love of country is one of the noblest sentiments of our nature. When this sentiment fades from the soul, the soul has lost its original brightness. In Ireland, however, this sentiment is almost considered a political offence. There is something so unnatural" in "this state of things, that what the English law denounces as treason, the Irish heart

"Her chains as they rankle, her blood as it runs, But make her more painfully dear to her sons." This is true; and in the midst of poverty and contempt her sons weep over her desolation, and pray for the hour of her deliverance. There is something incomprehensible to the human mind in the mysterious providence that rules the destiny of nations. Israel gave a Saviour to the world; and the world in return has persecuted and denaturalized the children of Abraham. Greece instructed the world, taught it arts and sciences, lifted it out of a state of barbarism into a high state of civilization-and look at the world's recompense! The Roman and Ottoman, in succession, trampled upon the susceptible heart and beautiful mind of Greece; and now that land of gods and god-like men is the footstool of the unsympathizing Goth. Poland and Hungary saved Christendom in the day of its weakness. They repulsed the Crescent in the day of its power; and in grateful return three great Christian powers have dismembered Poland, and distributed her bleeding members amongst them; and Christian Europe is now singing "Te Deums" and "Hosannahs" over the prostrate and mangled body of Hungary. Then look at the fate of poor Ireland!-one of the first-born of Christendom; one of the first of western nations to propagate the pure doctrines of primitive Christianity. tianity. She sent forth missionaries amongst the surrounding nations to preach the Gospel, but no armies ever went forth from Ireland to plunder or

oppress any nation. As a nation, she never even upon his race-that there is a very different soluattempted to wrong or persecute any race or people tion of the dark mystery of his country's condition. on earth. And yet perhaps no nation on earth But it is the old story-"væ victis;" there is no has been more cruelly wronged than Ireland. I political or historic justice for the vanquished. ask what national offence, what national sin has The tyrant first tramples upon his victim; and, to Ireland committed to merit this cruel chastisement? justify his cruelty, then brands him with infamy. Sir, with the history of Ireland in my hand, I ad- But permit me to say that I do not regard the presmit she committed a great national sin, a sin the ent condition of Ireland as the crime of the English world very seldom forgives. She always support- people. I have no ungenerous prejudices against ed the weak and defended the unfortunate. When English character. The English as a people have the Briton fled from the exterminating sword of many sterling qualities. They are industrious, the Saxon, he found a home and a refuge in Ire- brave, and independent; and I will add, that there land; when the Saxon fled from the pitiless sword is a strong sense of justice in the English heart. of the Norman, he, too, found a sanctuary in Ire- But Ireland has never been governed by the England. Briton, Saxon, and Norman, when banban-lish people. lish people. I would appeal to the people of ished or betrayed-when they had no other friends England for justice to Ireland as quickly at this on earth, found friends in Ireland; for Irish hearts moment as I would to any other people on earth and Irish homes were always open to shelter the except the American people. Ireland, I repeat, unfortunate. Even English history reveals a fact has never been governed by the English people. which, when properly understood, is a perfect rev- It has been governed by an Anglo-Irish oligarchyelation of Irish character. Ireland has always been an oligarchy that has had no instinct but selfishan incorrigible and irreconcilable rebel against ness; no passion but the preservation of its own power; but when her oppressors became unfortu- class. The government of Ireland was the govnate she became loyal; when they became friendless ernment of a caste,-the very abstraction of an and helpless, she drew the sword and poured out her evil government. An oligarchy like that must be blood for them in the hour of their adversity. The unjust. Injustice is a necessity of its existence. Stuarts at the head of the Empire were her cruel and It must be unjust to all other classes to preserve constant oppressors; yet Ireland sacrificed herself its own. A tyrant may commit great acts of for the last Monarch of that ungrateful race, when, cruelty, but they are only occasional, and can abandoned by his favorites and betrayed by his never reach the great mass of the people; but an family, he fled from his throne-an exile, a wan- || oligarchy is cruel from policy, and unjust and opderer, friendless and unfortunate. I hope it will be pressive upon a principle of self-preservation. allowable on this occasion to refer to the conduct of Ireland has been ruled by a government of this the Irish in your own glorious Revolution. History| kind—a government of caste-composed of Norattests that during that whole period of trial and man adventurers and their descendants; and as struggle, a single Irish Tory was not to be found these men professed themselves ferociously Angliin the thirteen Colonies. Both here and in Ireland, can, they were always backed and supported by at home and abroad, the Irish heart declared openly the English Government. Such a government and fearlessly in favor of the Colonies. Who de- would have ruined any other country as well as fended their cause in the British Parliament with Ireland. Even this country would have been ruined more eloquent ability than Edmund Burke? And had it failed in the Revolution, and been placed who defended it in the hour of danger with more under such an oligarchy. There was certain ruin unselfish devotion than the brave Montgomery? in the very principle upon which it governed. The Irish were true to this country then, and they That principle was to Anglicize Ireland-to force are true to it still. I hope I may venture to say an English government on the Irish race, an that they have one great virtue that ought to re- English church on Irish consciences, and English deem a multitude of faults; they have always habits on Irish hearts,-in a word, to transform proved true, in word and deed, to the republican Irishmen into Englishmen. Of course the experiinstitutions of this country. In this country alone ment has failed. It reminds me of a similar exthey have always obtained full and perfect jus- periment in ancient times. A Roman general was tice. And this justice, I am proud to say, they dispatched to Greece to enforce the Roman authorhave always repaid with loyalty and fidelity. ity, to collect tribute, and transform the Greeks into But Ireland is now fallen. She is no longer a Romans. He got amongst the Spartans, and exnation. She is only the broken relic of nearly || erted himself with all his might to accomplish his seven centuries of oppression. And as it always object; but, wearied at last with his labors and happens, her reputation has fallen with her for- disgusted with the Greeks, he wrote an angry tunes. I fear the verdict of the world is against letter to his Government, saying that they were an her. For one, I cannot recognize the justice of incorrigible race, that they had no proper apprethat verdict. It is not rendered upon impartial || ciation of Roman character, and that, in his opintestimony-it is not founded in truth. The wit-ion, they were not even fit to make slaves. The nesses, upon whose testimony that verdict has Anglo-Irish government has likewise found the been rendered, have taken great pains to satisfy Irish incorrigible-it has failed to transform them the world that Ireland has committed national sui- into Englishmen, and there is no people on this cide that she is the victim of her own passions-earth more unmanageable as slaves. Nearly seven that she carries her ruin in her character, and the elements of her destruction in her race. This may perhaps be called the Anglican solution of Ireland's present condition; and I am sorry to say the solution is not a very charitable one. Whatever the judgment of the world may be, the Irishman feels that this solution is unjust-that it is a calumny

centuries have been employed in this work, and Ireland is not yet Anglican. But these centuries have performed the work of destruction; they have destroyed Irish nationality, but seven centuries more will not supply its place with English nationality. They may exterminate the Irish race, but they will fail to make it Anglican.

The

English Government was the natural growth of than is to be found amongst any other thirty-five the English soil-the logical result of a peculiar millions on earth, and yet no people on earth have condition of English society. It was a great polit- so wretchedly mismanaged their political affairs. ical compromise between rival interests and an- And why? Because they are constantly imitating tagonistic races. There was monarchy for the other systems, or copying some visionary models, conqueror and his descendants-aristocracy for whose theoretic perfection constitutes their practithe Norman barons and their descendants and cal defect. But it is worse, when you attempt to a portion of democratic liberty to conciliate the force an uncongenial system of government upon a then despised Saxons, who constituted the bulk people. This never fails to crush them. The and strength of the nation. This government was government which develops one nation will devery well adapted to the social condition of Eng-stroy another. This is a truth as old as society. land, but it had no adaptation whatever to the It might be engraved as an epitaph upon the tombs condition of Ireland. On the contrary, it was in- of a thousand extinct nationalities. Oppression comprehensible to the intelligence, and repulsive is engraving it now for the tombs of Poland, Hunto the notions and habits, of the Irish people. A gary, and Ireland. pure monarchy or a pure democracy they might have understood; but that strange political monster, with a royal head, aristocratic body, and democratic feet the head looking one way, the feet-the feet moving another, and the body paralyzing and restraining the movements of both this was something which no Irishman could comprehend or accept as a government. I might press this view much further, but I abstain from it on this occasion. But I must state that there is a national as well as a personal individuality. No people can be improved or elevated except through the medium of their own nationality. To develop a people we must respect the scruples of the national conscience-the virtues of the national heart, and the aspirations, and even prejudices of the national mind. National varieties are as necessary to improve and develop the human race as individual varieties. And political s And political systems ought to be as various as the varieties of national character. A political system to improve and develop a people must grow out of the habits and circumstances of that people. It must be the natural product of the country. Look at the Spanish colonies of this continent. They separated from the mothercountry; but instead of building up a government out of their own circumstances the growth of their own social condition-the product as it were of their own soil-they borrowed the system of the United States, and constructed their governments upon this excellent model. The model was excellent in itself, but it had one fatal defect-it had no adaptation whatsoever to the condition of the people to be governed by it. Now mark the result. These countries are a hundred fold worse off this day than they were under the old Spanish Government. The people of this country pursued a very different course when they separated from England. They borrowed no political system; they imitated no foreign model. They constructed their Government upon the basis of their own social condi- || tion, and in accordance with their own circumstances. This is the principal cause of the wonderful success of this Government, which it pleases the world to call an experiment, but which in fact is nothing more or less than the natural, logical, and necessary resultant of the peculiar condition of the colonies. A mere experimental government, however perfect in theory, would have proved a failure. What is the cause of half the failures to establish popular governments in Europe? The establishment of experimental governments after some approved or fanciful model. There is France, in some respects the most enlightened nation in the world. Those thirty-five millions of people have a larger share of genius,

||

In my opinion the present condition of Ireland demands the serious attention of the English people, and the English Government. Nothing strikes me with more astonishment than the indifference, indeed I may say the satisfaction, with which a large portion of the English press regards the rapid depopulation of Ireland. It is called "the Celtic Exodus." And the expectation is confidently and openly expressed, that as soon as Ireland is depopulated and the present race exterminated, she will be peopled by a more serviceable and manageable race. If anything was wanting to prove that this age is an age of imbecility and false philosophy, it is furnished in this drivel about races. about races. The Anglo-Saxon race and the Celtic race, and this race and that race, seem to be the latest discovery of the present time to account for all moral, social, and political phenomena. This new theory is founded neither on Christianity nor philosophy. Christianity recognizes no such distinctions, tolerates no such distinctions, and Christ preached on the mount, and died on the cross to obliterate such unnatural distinctions. Philosophy recognizes differences, but these differences have their origin in circumstances, not in races. But turn to these cockney speculations about the Celtic exodus. Celts constitute, perhaps, more than half the population of the British Empire. They prevail in Ireland, Wales, Cornwall, and the north of Scotland; and they form a large portion of the basis of the population of England. In fact, they form about half the population of some of the most civilized countries of Europe. Sir, to talk of the extinction of such a portion of the human family is a libel on the human race—a blasphemy against the divine origin of humanity. But I speak of Ireland now in a political sense, and I say her present condition demands the immediate attention of the British statesman. is suffering under a disease. Disease always attacks the weakest part of the system first. This disease is an imperial one, not an Irish one; and when it consumes the heart of Ireland, it will reach the heart of England also. The ruin of Ireland will involve the ruin of the Empire; and not to see this is the blindness that precedes destruction. Let any great European power, or combination of powers, land twenty thousand well-disciplined men in Ireland, and there will be an end to the British Empire. I mention this because I feel a deep interest, in the first place, in the condition of Ireland, and next, in that of the whole British Empire. In my humble opinion, if the English people pursue a policy towards Ireland, I will not say of justice, because justice is for the strong, and Ireland is weak, but a policy of clemency, of human

She

ity, of generosity and encouragement, they would nationality conformable to her present moral, so resuscitate Ireland and strengthen the whole Em- cial, and political condition. Her policy now is pire. The first requirement for Ireland is religious to make the most of her present political connection, liberty; not toleration, but full, equal, absolute and to avail herself of all the political, commerreligious liberty. She will never be satisfied until cial, industrial and intellectual advantages of the she obtains this boon. There is nothing so dan- British Empire. She should coöperate on all ocgerous to a government in a perilous crisis as a casions with the most liberal English party. She powerful, dissatisfied, religious party, like the Ro- should throw her whole weight into the scale of man Catholic party of the British Empire; and liberalism. Her movement should be an imperial nothing so harmless as religious sects or parties, one; and by acting in this manner she would when a Government abolishes all religious distinc- raise and regenerate herself in contributing to ele tions, and gives full, perfect and absolute religious vate and liberalize the whole Empire. After all, liberty to all. If you want to put down religious Englishmen and Irishmen are fellow-subjects: agitation, and destroy clerical influence, give the they have fought together on a hundred battlepeople equal and universal religious liberty. A fields. Irish blood has been poured out as prodimere clerico-political agitation can never benefit a gally as English blood in building up the present country, although it may annoy and weaken a Gov- || greatness of the British Empire. Irishmen, thereernment. To deprive clerical agitators of all po- fore, have a perfect title to the honor and glory litical influence, it is only necessary for the English and advantages of that Empire. They ought not Government to give equal and absolute religious to think of relinquishing these advantages at the liberty to all denominations of British subjects. present day. On the contrary, Englishmen and This is a truth very well understood in this coun- || Irishmen, the people of both countries-on both try, yet, strange to say, it has hitherto escaped the sides of the Channel, ought to forget the past, and penetration, of the first statesmen of Europe. Ire- think of the future, and unite honestly and cordiland also requires political liberty and an equitable ally and resolutely to improve the condition of share of all the advantages of the British Govern- both countries, to exalt the United Kingdom and ment and British Empire, and above all, the Irish place her at the head of the liberal world. Great people require an absolute interest in the soil of and powerful as she is, she has to stoop to Aus their country. As it is, Ireland may be consid- tria; she has to sacrifice a minister at the bidding ered a vast warren-a hunting ground for absentee of the Austrian court; she has to bow humbly to nobility'; and, unhappily, the spoils of the chase Russia; she has to take Louis Napoleon by the are the hearts, hopes and lives of the Irish peas- || hand; she has to congratulate the nephew upon a antry. I have long watched and waited to see usurpation, for which she condemned the uncle to some great English statesman arise, who could the Rock of St. Helena. Sir, this is not the role grapple with this monster difficulty. I think the for a great nation like England to play at the presevil and the danger were both felt and understood ent time in the drama of the world; this is not by Sir Robert Peel for some time previous to his the position for her to occupy amidst the great death. Had that great statesman lived, and ob- || family of nations. The present mixed Govern» tained power, in my opinion he would have de- ment of England has had its day. England must voted his talents and his experience to reclaim soon choose between absolutism and democracy. and resuscitate Ireland, and thus strengthen and These are the two great principles now contending renovate the British Empire. That great states- for the mastery of the world. "On the side of dem~ man entered upon a glorious work of political ocracy she will become the arbitress of nations reform both for England and Ireland; but he and the benefactress of humanity. was cut off in the midst of his career, with his Mr. President, I hope this amendment will be work unfinished and his destiny unfulfilled. But adopted, and that the resolution will then pass after all, Ireland must be the great agent of her without opposition. It is so framed that it can own regeneration; she must not depend upon give no offence in any quarter. It is not intended || England, or upon America, or upon the Conti- to be diplomatic, but a mere legislative expression nent. If she looks to the absolutists of Europe of opinion. It is courteous and complimentary to for support, as I apprehend she does at this mo- the English Government. My opinion is that, in ment, she will be deceived and disappointed and the present condition of Ireland, the condition of betrayed. There is not a despot in Europe, large the British Empire, and the uncertain condition of or small, from the Czar of Russia to the King of the civilized world, the British Government will Naples, who would not, at this moment, sell and rejoice in the opportunity which this resolution sacrifice Ireland and all her hopes to purchase the will afford to get rid of these captive patriots, by friendship of the English Government. I know conveying them to this country. Here they will it is difficult to form a correct judgment of the true unite with millions of their fellow-countrymen, now policy of a distant nation; but after long reflection || citizens of this great Republic. Here they will upon this subject, I have arrived at the conclusion meet with that kindness and consideration which that the present policy of Ireland is, to abandon all they have been denied in their native land. Here idea of a political separation from England. Her they will become loyal citizens of this Government, old nationality is gone. She can never recover or and as such cease to be the enemies of England. restore either her old language or her old nation- This will afford sincere satisfaction to every gen ality. If she were an independent nation this mo- erous American heart, and tend to conciliate the ment, her great effort should be to build up a new lacerated but grateful heart of Ireland.