pendence they were sworn on the Fugitive Slave bill. Whig and Democrat knew no "Higher Law," only the statute of slaveholders. Conscience bent down before the Constitution. What sort of a government can you expect from such conduct! What Representatives! Just what you have got. Sow the wind, will you? then reap the whirlwind. Mr. Pierce said in his Inaugural, “I believe that involuntary servitude is recognised by the Constitution"; "that it stands like any other admitted right. I hold that the Compromise measures (i. e. the Fugitive Slave bill) are strictly constitutional and to be unhesitatingly carried into effect." The laws to secure the master's right to capture a man in the free States "should be respected and obeyed, not with a reluctance encouraged by abstract opinions as to their propriety in a different state of Society, but cheerfully and according to the decision of the tribunal to which their exposition belongs." These words were historical-reminiscences of the time when "no Higher Law" was the watchword of the American State and the American Church; they were prophetic-ominous of what we see to-day.

I. Here is the Gadsden Treaty which has been negotiated. How bad it is I cannot say; only this. If I am rightly informed, a tract of 39,000,000 acres, larger than all Virginia, is " re-annexed" to the slave soil which the " flag of our Union” already waves over. The whole thing, when it is fairly understood by the public, I think will be seen to be a more iniquitous matter than this Nebraska wickedness.

II. Then comes the Nebraska bill, yet to be consum. mated. While we are sitting here in cold debate, it may be the measure has passed. From the beginning

I have never had any doubts that it would pass; if it could not be put through this session--as I thought it would--I felt sure that before this Congress goes out of office, Nebraska would be slave soil. You see what a majority there was in the Senate; you see what a majority there is in the House. I know there is an oppo. sition--and most brilliantly conducted, too, by the few faithful men; but see this: The Administration has yet three years to run. There is an annual income of sixty millions of dollars. There are forty thousand offices to be disposed of--four thousand very valuable. And do you think that a Democratic Administration, with that amount of offices, of money and time, cannot buy up northern doughfaces enough to carry any measure it pleases? I know better. Once I thought that Texas could not be annexed. It was done. I learned wisdom from that. I have taken my counsel of my fears. I have not seen any barrier on which the North would rally that we have come to yet There are some things behind us. John Randolph said, years ago, “We will drive you from pillar to post, back, back, back." He has been as good as his word. We have been driven 'back, back, back." But we cannot be driven much farther. There is a spot where we shall stop. I am afraid we have not come to it yet. I will say no more about it just now-because not many weeks ago I stood here and said a great deal. You have listened to me when I was feeble and hollow-voiced; I will not tax your patience now, for in this, as in a celebrated feast of old, they have "kept the good wine until now!" (alluding to Garrison and Phillips who were to follow).

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If the Nebraska bill is defeated, I shall rejoice that

Iniquity is foiled once more. But if it become a law-there are some things which seem probable.

1. On the Fourth of March, 1856, the Democrats will have "leave to withdraw" from office.

2. Every northern man who has taken a prominent stand in behalf of Slavery will be politically ruined. You know what befell the Northern Politicians who voted for the Missouri Compromise; a similar fate hangs over the men who enslave Nebraska. Already, Mr. Everett is, theologically speaking, among the "lost ;" and of all the three thousand New England ministers whose petition he dared not present, not one will ever pray for his political salvation.

Pause with me and drop a tear over the ruin of Edward Everett, a man of large talents and commensurate industry, very learned, the most scholarly man, perhaps, in the country, with a persuasive beauty of speech only equalled by this American [Mr. PHILLIPS], who surpasses him; he has had a long career of public service, public honour--Clergyman, Professor, Editor, Representative, Governor, Ambassador, President of Harvard College, alike the ornament as the Auxiliary of many a learned Society-he yet comes to such an end.

"This is the state of man; to-day, he puts forth
The tender leaves of hope; to-morrow, blossoms,
And bears his blushing honours thick upon him;
The third day comes a frost, Nebraska's frost;
And, when he thinks, good easy man, full surely,
His greatness is a ripening, nips his root,
And then he falls

"O how wretched

Is that poor man that hangs on public favours!
There is betwixt that smile he would aspire to,
That sweet aspect of voters, and their ruin,
More pangs and fears than wars or women have
And when he falls, he falls like Lucifer,
Never to hope again!"

Mr. DOUGLASS also is finished; the success of his measure is his own defeat. Mr. PIERCE has three short years to serve; then there will be one more ExPresident-ranking with Tyler and Fillmore. Mr.

Seward need not agitate,

"Let it work

For 'tis the sport to have the enginer
Hoise with his own petar."

III. The next thing is the enslavement of Cuba. That is a very serious matter. It has been desired a long time. Lopez, a Spanish fillibuster, undertook it and was legally put to death. I am not an advocate for the garrote, but I think, all things taken into consideration, that he did not meet with a very inadequate mode of death, and I believe that is the general opinion, not only in Cuba, but in the United States. But Young America is not content with that. Mr. Dean, a little while ago, in the House, proposed to repeal the neutrality laws--to set fillibusterism on its legs again. You remember the President's message about the "Black Warrior"-how black warrior like it was; and then comes the "unanimous resolution" of the Louisiana legislature asking the United States to interfere and declare war, in case Cuba should undertake to emancipate her slaves. Senator Slidell's speech is still tingling in our ears, asking the Government to repeal the neutrality laws and allow every pirate who pleases. to land in Cuba and burn and destroy. You know Mr. Soulé's conduct in Madrid. It is rumoured that he has been authorized to offer $250,000,000 for Cuba. The sum is enormous; but when you consider the character of this Administration and the Inaugural of President Pierce, the unscrupulous abuse made of public money, I do not think it is a very extraordinary supposition.

But this matter of getting possession of Cuba is something dangerous as well as difficult. There are three conceivable ways of getting it: one is by buying, and that I take it is wholly out of the question. If I am rightly informed, there is a certain Spanish debt owing. to Englishmen, and that Cuba is somehow pledged as a sort of collateral security for the Spanish Bonds. I take it for granted that Cuba is not to be bought for many years without the interference of England, and depend upon it England will not allow it to be sold for the establishment of Slavery; for I think it is pretty well understood by politicians that there is a regular agreement entered into between Spain on one side and England on the other, that at a certain period within twenty-five years every slave in Cuba shall be set free (applause). I believe this is known to men somewhat versed in the secret history of the two Cabinets of England and of Spain. England has the same wish for land which fires our Anglo-Saxon blood. She has Islands in the West Indies; the Morro in Cuba is only 100 miles from Jamaica. If we get Cuba for Slavery, we shall next want the British West Indies for the same institution. Cuba filled with fillibusters would be a dangerous neighbour.

Then there are two other ways: one is by fillibusterism; and that Mr. Slidell and Mr. Dean want to try; the other is by open war. Now, fillibusterism will lead to open war, so I will consider only this issue.

I know that Americans will fight more desperately, perhaps, on land or sea, than any other people. But fighting is an ugly business, especially with such anta· gonists as we shall have in this case. It is a matter well understood that the Captain-General of Cuba ha