success may be long deferred, it may be reserved as a blessing for posterity two hundred years hence. Still, if their efforts may probably result in such benefits as you anticipate—what institution is more worthy of public patronage, or of the honour of YOUR NAME in the list of its members ? and of YOUR PEN in promoting its objects ?

To save two nations from the wanton waste, misapplication, or destruction of three or four hundred millions of property, and "to snatch thousands of human beings from premature death, from great suffering, or from extreme pollution and crimes,"-would be a conquest, in comparison with which, the bloody feats of a Cæsar or a Napoleon may justly be regarded with abhorrence and contempt; a conquest, for the attainment of which thousands of philanthropists may be honourably employed, and millions of money wisely appropriated.

Our benevolent brethren of the Humane Society are the instruments of resuscitating a drowned man! This is justly regarded as a great thing, and worthy of their exertions. Again, they succeed and save a crew of twenty or thirty men, who were ready to perish by shipwreck! This is a still greater achievement; and all with one consent admire their philanthropy, and rejoice in their success. What then, my friend, should be thought of saving two mighty nations from the crimes and the sufferings of a three or a seven years' war!

Such an effect is indeed of indefinite and incalculable magnitude; but shall the immensity of its value diminish in our estimation the importance of united and persevering exertions to produce it ? It is freely admitted, that success in this cause depends on the pleasure of HIM who rules the universe. But without the least derogation from his honour or his agency, it may be asserted, that, whether wars shall eease, depends as really on the will and the exertions of men, as any other event which can be named; and that the greater is the number truly engaged for its su spension or abolition, the greater is the probability that their efforts will not be in vain.

The correctness of the remarks in the preceding paragraphs will not, I think, by you, be denied ; and, if not, is it not obviously in the power of "a numerous class of readers" greatly to diminish the ground, on which they have "despaired of success," and to place themselves in a situation, in which they will be freed from the pain of wishing in the "absence of all hope ?"

REVIEW OF BONAPARTE'S VINDICATION OF HIS CONDUCT AT JAFFA.

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE has often been accused of the wanton murder of 500 captives at Jaffa. In Mr. Warden's narrative, recently published in the newspapers, we have the general's own account of that affair. He owns that he ordered the 500 prisoners to be killed, but he attempts to justify his conduct by stating the circumstances which led him to adopt the fatal resolution. As this vindication illustrates one of the principles of modern warfare, I shall give it in his own words, as reported by Mr. Warden.

"At the period in question, General Dessaix was left in Upper Egypt, and Kleber in the vicinity of Damietta. I left Cairo and traversed the Arabian desert, in order to unite my force with that of the latter at El Arish. The town was attacked, and a capitulation succeeded. Many of the prisoners were found, on examination, to be natives of the mountains, and inhabitants of Mount Tabor, but chiefly from Nazareth. They were immediately released, on their engaging to return quietly to their homes, children, and wives at the same time they were recommended to acquaint their countrymen, the Napolese, that the French were no longer their enemies, unless they were found in arms assisting the Pacha. When this ceremony was concluded, the army proceeded on its march towards Jaffa. Zaza surrendered on the route. This city, on the first view of it, bore a formidable appearance, and the garrison was considerable. It was summoned to surrender. When the officer who bore the flag of truce, no sooner passed the city wall, than his

head was inhumanly struck off, instantly fixed upon a pole, and insultingly exposed to the view of the French army. At the sight of this horrid and unexpected object, the indignation of the soldiers knew no bounds. They were perfectly infuriated; and with the most eager impatience demanded to be led on to the storm. I did not hesitate under such eircumstances to command it.

"The attack was dreadful, and the carnage exceeded any action I had then witnessed. We carried the place, and it required all my efforts and influence to restrain the fury of the enraged soldiers. At length I succeeded, and night closed the sanguinary scene. At the dawn of the following morning, a report was brought me, that 500 men, chiefly Napolese, who had lately formed a part of the garrison at El Arish, and to whom I had a few days before given liberty, on condition that they should return to their homes, were among the prisoners. On this fact being indubitably ascertained, I ordered the 500 men to be drawn out and instantly shot."

Bonaparte doubtless imagined that this account was a complete vindication of his conduct in destroying the 500 men; and probably many who have read it are of the same opinion. It may be proper, therefore, to examine the affair impartially, and to take into view some circumstances which were omitted in his narrative.

In the first place, it may be asked, By what authority or what right was Bonaparte in Egypt at the head of an army? Was he not there as a military robber, invading the rights, disturbing the peace, and destroying the happiness and the lives of men, who had never done him any injury? If it shall be said, that he was sent by the French directory, I would ask who gave them authority to send him to make war on the Egyptians ?

Had not the Napolese soldiers as good a right to defend their country as the French army had to invade it? This will not be denied: But it will be said, that these prisoners had violated their engagements to Bonaparte. Still it may be asked, How came they to be prisoners to him? Had be

been in France or Corsica, where he belonged, instead of "going about" in Africa, "seeking whom he might devour," these Napolese soldiers never would have been in his hands, nor under any temptation to violate a promise to him.

If any apology may be made for Bonaparte and his soldiers, in going to Jaffa, on the ground that they went by order of the Rulers of France; as good a plea may probably be made for the five hundred Napolese. They doubtless went to Jaffa, after they were released, by order of their rulers or military officers.

Were they shot for a terror to others? For a similar purpose the Turks beheaded the officer with a flag. Still, this was a horrible act, even in the view of Bonaparte.

Death is a barbarous punishment for men to inflict for a violation of promise, even when both the promise and the violation have been voluntary and free from constraint; but much more barbarous when the promise had been extorted by military violence, and the violation compelled by those in power, or by the distresses and dangers to which a people were exposed by the depredations of a merciless aggressor.

Suppose that Bonaparte had been sent to the United States instead of Egypt, and had done the same things here that he did there; what would have been said of the coldblooded murder of five hundred of our soldiers ?

It may, however, be pleaded in behalf of Bonaparte, that, in destroying the five hundred prisoners, he acted in conformity to the laws and usages of modern warfare.

Is it not then proper to ask, By whom were these laws and usages instituted among Christians? Were they ordainby the Prince of peace ? or are they accordant with his precepts? The very questions are enough to shock the mind of any well informed Christian. Murder and highway robbery are not more repugnant to the laws of Christ than are the laws and usages of war.

After all, the laws of civilized warfare, as they are miscalled, have no existence but in a barbarous custom. It has become a custom in war, to murder in cold blood poor deluded soldiers, who, after having been taken, and released on parole, are retaken in arms. No allowance is made if

they are thus retaken by the aggressor in the war, nor for the authoritative or seductive influence of their own rulers or officers. Death is their portion, even while those who inflict it are a hundred fold more deserving of death than themselves.

As such barbarity is justified by the laws and usages of modern warfare, it may be well to exhibit a short summary of things which may be done without violating the laws and usages of war, which are adopted by Christian nations.

The rulers of one nation may make war on another for any reason or motive of sufficient strength to induce them to adopt the measure. If any injury or provocation has been received, however trivial, it may be magnified to a sufficient size by misrepresentation. If no injury nor provocation has been intended, rulers may fabricate as many as they please, and support them by falsehoods ten thousand times repeated. They may employ every artifice which is adapted to rouse the passions of their subjects, and to excite enmity against their brethren of another nation. They may call on the ministers of the Prince of peace to aid them in misleading the multitude, in blowing the flames of discord and war, and in praying for the blessing of God on their malignant and destructive enterprizes. They may, by seduction, conscription, or impressment, collect armies, partly composed of useful citizens, and partly of the most abandoned wretches the country affords. They may establish martial laws and an iron discipline, by which the deluded soldiers shall be deprived of the rights of men, degraded to the condition of slaves, and exposed to the most inhuman punishments. They may also inspire these soldiers with a thirst for conquest and military glory, for plunder and for blood.

Having made the necessary arrangements, they may lead or send forth their armies to invade a province from which they never received any wrong. They may spread terror, havock, and woe, in every direction. They may quarter their troops on the harmless inhabitants, plunder and destroy their property, and load them with intolerable contributions.

They may constantly employ spies, and yet hang every spy taken in their own camps. If one of their own country