arrangements through which, in the unhappy past, the nations strove to safeguard their security or to promote their interests.

The Conference faced many political problems growing out of the military activities in Europe. It was foreseen that problems of common interest to our three Governments will continue to arise as our joint military efforts hasten the defeat of the enemy. It is impracticable for several governments to come to complete and rapid understanding on such matters through the ordinary channels of diplomatic communication. The Conference accordingly decided to set up a European Advisory Commission with its seat in London. This Commission will not of itself have executive powers. Its sole function will be to advise the Governments of the United States, Great Britain, and the Soviet Union. It is to deal with non-military problems relating to enemy territories and with such other problems as may be referred to it by the participating governments. It will provide a useful instrument for continuing study and formulation of recommendations concerning questions connected with the termination of hostilities.

For the purpose of dealing with problems arising from the execution of the terms of surrender of Italy and with related matters growing out of the developing situation in that country, the Conference established an Advisory Council for Italy. This Council will consist of representatives of the Governments of the United States, Great Britain, and the Soviet Union, of the French Committee of National Liberation, and of the Governments of Yugoslavia and Greece, as early as practicable. The members of the Council will advise the Allied Commander in Chief and will make recommendations to the respective governments and to the French Committee concerning non-military problems relating to Italy.

It was clearly understood that the setting up of these two agencies was not intended to super

sede the usual diplomatic channels of communication between the three Governments. On the contrary, arrangements were made for expeditious and effective handling of questions of concern to the three Governments through tripartite diplomatic conversations in any one of the three capitals.

In a declaration on Italy, the Conference set forth a number of principles on the basis of which democratic restoration of that country's internal political structure should take place. These principles-including freedom of religion, of speech, of the press, and of assembly, and the right of the people ultimately to choose their own form of government-are among the most basic human rights in civilized society.

In a declaration on Austria, the forcible annexation of that unhappy country was pronounced null and void. It was further declared that Austria is to be given an opportunity to become reestablished as a free and independent state, although the Austrians were put on notice that in final analysis the treatment to be accorded them will depend upon the contribution which they will make toward the defeat of Germany and the liberation of their country.

The Conference also served as an occasion for a solemn public declaration by the heads of the three Governments with regard to the perpetrators of the bestial and abominable crimes committed by the Nazi leaders against the harassed and persecuted inhabitants of occupied territories against people of all races and religions, among whom Hitler has reserved for the Jews his most brutal wrath. Due punishment will be administered for all these crimes.

Finally, the Conference gave preliminary attention to a number of other specific problems relating to the eventual transition from war to peace. A fruitful exchange of views took place on such questions as the treatment of Germany and its satellites, the various phases of economic relations, the promotion of social

welfare, and the assurance of general security and peace.

These were among the outstanding developments at the Moscow Conference. The intensive discussion, lasting two weeks, did not and was not intended to bring about the solution of all the problems that are before us. Much less could we anticipate the problems that are bound to arise from day to day and from year to year. There were other problems, such, for example, as questions relating to boundaries, which must, by their very nature, be left in abeyance until the termination of hostilities. This is in accordance with the position maintained for some time by our Government.

Of supreme importance is the fact that at the Conference the whole spirit of international cooperation, now and after the war, was revitalized and given practical expression. The Conference thus launched a forward movement which, I am firmly convinced, will steadily extend in scope and effectiveness. Within the framework of that movement, in the atmosphere of mutual understanding and confidence which made possible its beginning in Moscow, many of the problems which are difficult today will as time goes on undoubtedly become more possible of satisfactory solution through frank and friendly discussion.

I am happy on this occasion to pay personal tribute to those with whom it was my privilege to confer in Moscow. Mr. Molotov arranged for the business of the Conference in a most efficient manner. Both as chairman and participant he manifested throughout the highest order of ability and a profound grasp of international affairs. Mr. Eden, with his exceptional wisdom and experience, exhibited the finest qualities of statesmanship. I found in Marshal Stalin a remarkable personality, one of the great statesmen and leaders of this age. I was deeply impressed by the people of Russia and by the epic quality of their patriotic fervor. A people who will fight against ruth

less aggression, in utter contempt of death, as the men and women of the Soviet Union are fighting, merit the admiration and good-will of the peoples of all countries.

We of today shall be judged in the future by the manner in which we meet the unprecedented responsibilities that rest upon us-not alone in winning the war but also in making certain that the opportunities for future peace and security shall not be lost. As an American, I am proud of the breadth and height of vision and statesmanship which have moved you, ladies and gentlemen, in each House of the Congress, to adopt, by overwhelming non-partisan majorities, resolutions in favor of our country's participation with other sovereign nations in an effective system of international cooperation for the maintenance of peace and security.

Only by carrying forward such a program with common determination and united national support can we expect, in the long range of the future, to avoid becoming victims of destructive forces of international anarchy which in the absence of organized international relations will rule the world. By the procedure of cooperation with other nations likewise intent upon security we can and will remain masters of our own fate.

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