LORD STANLEY'S IRISH REGISTRATION BILL. There are questions, showy and 2. That even this limited tenure of specious by their titles, which in vir- power, this merely Irish tenure, is ittue are far below the promise of their self dependent for its present operation names. There are questions which, upon its present disorders. The very under obscure forms, mask a world of Irish basis of the Ministry would not potential value. To this latter class suffice without an Irish derangement. belongs the case before us. And The condition is itself subject to a conwhatever interest it might otherwise . dition. It is only as a channel through have excited, supposing it left to the which Mr O'Connell is able to propaDatural effect of its dry technical de gate an influence, that an Irish constisignation, simply through one acci- tuency is more available to the Govern. dent of its Parliamentary progress it ment than a British constituency. It has already gathered about itself a is only through its present state of large body of notice and anxiety, viz. disorder that Mr O'Connell can throw through the quality of resistance the requisite influence upon the electwhich it has provoked. This resist- oral body. Werethe electoral functions ance, in every stage, has been tumul. brought into a healthy condition, tuous and, in a parliamentary sense, whether for the act of voting or the disorderly. It has trampled on the acts constituting the right to vote, usages of Parliament where they im- from that moment would cease the peded—it has clung to the mere let- O'Connell power to counterwork the ter of those usages where they hap- Conservative tendencies of Irish propened to assist. Such a zealotry, perty. Obstructions or non-conductsuch a contagion of partisanship, draw- ors to an O'Connell influence would ing into one vortex of rabid animosity come into play along the whole line of the courteous and the discourteous the electoral machinery, were those the most considerate temperance abuses once removed which at present equally with the blindest malignity, give a large preponderance to priestly has bad at least one useful result; it has influence by multiplying the class of thoroughly awakened the public to a voters who are fitted to be its dupes. sense of some deeper interest at stake Only by the disorder of the elective than is notified by the mere verbal de franchise, an O'Connell influence : criptions of the measure in the daily only by an O'Connell influence, a records of public business. The pulse Melbourne cabinet. Hinc illæ lachryat the surface, running at so headlong me! Hence the dithyrambic frenzy a pace of fever, indicates some deep- of resistance. It was no longer a seated disturbance in the system. diffusive struggle maintained over the These bacchanalian movements of total field of politics, where progress faction argue some vital interest in the for either side is gradual, and loss in background which is either disturbed, one part balanced often by gain in anor is threatened with disturbance, by other. The very key of the position Lord Stanley's measure of reform. was assailed; organs of life were meBy this time the public mind is suffin naced. The Ministers and Mr O'Conciently enlightened as to the nature of nell clung to each other with the in. that interest. Two points, long since stincts that connect systems of power ascertained by those who were open to reciprocally dependent. A fatal symconviction, have been forced into relief pathy, like that which the great poet and prominent notoriety by the frenzy represents as binding together Sin and of the opposition to Lord Stanley-1. Death, pervaded their separate tenures That the present Administration sub- of authority. It was little in itself to stantially hold their official power by each party as a separate interest that an Irish tenure : thrown upon English the other should be extinguished. But and Scottish resources, they would be it was too evident that the extinction turned out, and they would be kept out. of either must carry with it the ex tinction of the other; must presuppose it in the one case as a cause, or produce it in the other as an effect. Motive, therefore, there was, enough, and more than enough, to sustain that bitter resistance to Lord Stanley which we have witnessed. In that, there is nothing to surprise us. Every man who has watched human nature in states of conflict, must know that no anger is so deadly as that which is the reaction of fear. Men are never so thoroughly vindictive as when they have been heartily frightened; and in this case there was the wrath of panic and of deliberate fores sight. In the agitation, therefore, of the Ministerial party, we see nothing but what is natural. Even the participation in this frenzy of persons as temperate as Lord John Russell, does not surprise us: but one thing has perplexed us from the first, viz., what colourable pretext the Government would ultimately put forward, after technical delays should fail, as the ground of their opposition. The true ground nobody could mistake. All the world, when once put upon the inquiry by the desperate energies of the resistance, had learned what screw was getting loose in the government; but then that was not of a nature to be pleaded. True it was, that one Irish faction kept the Whig faction in power: true it was, that this Irish faction was kept afloat only by a monstrous machinery of fraud: true it was, that this joint life had been maintained by no other cause whatever than those disorders affecting the elective franchise, which it was the object of this bill to destroy. To maintain this disorder was a sine quâ non of existence to the compound party. But then disorder, as disorder, never could be urged with decency as a fit object of Parliamentary protec tion. That was out of the question. Could it then be denied? could it be palliated? That course might have been open, and undoubtedly would have been adopted, at an earlier period of the Melbourne Cabinet. With the same interest at issue, and not yet committed by any public declaration upon the question, it is certain that Lord John Russell would have at tempted an easy deliverance by roundly affirming that the Irish elec toral abuses had no existence: or (like some Irish members at present,) he would have depressed them to a level with those local irregularities in England which have now and then vitiated an election. But, unfortunately, this evasion had been foreclosed to a Melbourne Cabinet by its own acts. Already, from the year 1835, and by direct co-operation with three distinct measures of reform, this Cabinet had recorded its acknowledgment of the abuse. The reform, it is true, had been in every case mere matter of moonshine; and had been meant for such. Means were taken effectually to prevent any substantial change from coming to maturity: and the outward show of reform had been pursued merely with the purpose, 1. of saving appearances; 2. of keeping other more effectual labourers out of this vineyard: so long as a Government measure was before the house, an excuse was always at hand for discouraging all other more serious reformers. These were the true motives for countenancing simulated reforms; but still, under what motives soever, a measure of reform, even when it is a counterfeit measure, must proceed from the first upon the admission of an abuse. Plans of redress, though hollow in every thing else, at the least were valid arguments of that particular derangement to which they pointed their remcdies. If there were nothing to redress in the franchise as generally held, or generally exercised in Ire land, then what had been the meaning of their own repeated schemes for amending it? The special remedy had varied at least three times; but the general abuse had been recognized alike in all: too late and penitentially the Melbourne Cabinet discovered their own precipitancy. The best arrow in the sheaf had been shot away to no purpose; and in an unhappy flourish of theatrical virtue, whilst affecting to disclaim O'Connellism, they had thrown away-not indeed that excellent resource, but the means of maintaiming it against all future reformers; viz., by point-blank denial that it existed, or (if that should happen to be the better course,) by treating it as a bagatelle too minute for legislation. Losing this plea, which they wilfull y threw away by too adventurous hypo crisy, it did and does appear to us, some evasions which it contemplates. that the present Administration had The tricks being complex by which forfeited every plausible artifice or the law is defeated, no man ought to evasion by which they could have make it an objection to the reform, confronted Lord Stanley's present that it is commensurately complex so bill. Accordingly, what is it they as to measure itself against the abuse. allege against that bill? What is left In all this there is no hardship beopen for them to allege, after baving yond what every one of us suffers in so thoroughly cut away the ground turn under given circumstances. For from under their own feet? Why, sim- instance, in crossing a frontier pecuply this—that, in narrowing the pre- liarly exposed to smuggling, what sent excessive facilities for establish- honourable man but submits cheering fraudulent claims, Lord Stanley fully to have his baggage searched, has proportionately fettered the esta. under a general regulation, however blishment of just claims. But this ob. much he would resent a suspicion jection applied equally to their own pointed specially and unequally at schemes of reform: and, secondly, it himself. The abuses affecting the is an objection growing out of the inere elective privilege in Ireland having necessities besetting the case, and one matured ihemselves into something of which must inevitably apply to any a systematic form, now require someand to every scheme of reform, sup- thing of a systematic remedy. To posing it sincere. Previously to exami- him who applies this remedy, and to nation, all claims must in fairness be him who suffers its application, there presumed equally doubtful ;—those is naturally something more of trouwho are involved in one common sus- ble and of circuitous forms presented picion, the innocent equally with the than where simple or more uniform guilty, must abide the hardships of susa modes of attack on this species of picion and the anxieties of trial. The right have imposed less cumbrous distinctions of good and bad, of sound modes of defence. Every just claimand fraudulent, apply only after the ant should consider himself aggrieved examination. That particular trouble, and injured by every spurious claimtherefore, which arises from the pro- ant. And he should view any means cess of investigation, it is an utter im. of upholding his own right as a call possibility so to modify, as that it upon him not only for the patience should proportion itself to the justice required in co-operating with public of the pretension; for that justice can justice, but also for the gratitude due be known only after the trouble has on account of a private benefit. In been endured. Human infirmity it the legislative remedy for redressing is which makes any investigation ne. this wrong, there are two separate cessary; and it is that same infir- subjects of consideration—the thing mity which proportions the trouble and the person—the thing imposed, and vexation, not to the soundness and the person imposing. As to the thing, unsoundness by which one claim dif- (the new trouble imposed,) any fair fers from another, but to the condi. claimant should view it as his own tion of doubt which affects all claims private contribution or tax towards a alike. There is, besides, a local argu- new mode of defence established on ment applying to any Irish measure of behalf of his property. As to the reform, which too reasonably founds person in whom this new defence oriitself on the excess of the Irish abuse. ginates, he must be blind, indeed, if It is idle to suppose that any man, he fail to see—that this person, as having the chances of his bill staked regards the efficacy of the defence, is upon the reasonableness of its details, the legislator-that this person, as rewould do so childish an act as to voe gards its violation, is the fraudulent lunteer an argument against himself, offender who had experimentally deby introducing one single vexatious monstrated the insufficiency of simpler or superfluous restraint. It is presumable that the machinery will be Were the sole purpose, therefore, only so far elaborate and troublesome, before us to defend Lord Stanley, by as to qualify it for contending with defending his measure now pending the elaborate artifices and the trouble for the reform of the Irish registration, we should hold that we had public justice is more interested in. said enough; that not one word more that provision than the particular was required ; and for this reason- bill. A general objection, again, to that any objections to the bill must the probable working of the bill apply themselves either to the general has been started by the Irish solicitor, object of that measure, or to some of Mr Pigot. But this, when examined, its special provisions. Now, as to the proves to be nothing more than a lively general object, that is undisputed : sketch, or fictitious case, so imagined, nobody denies the abuse which the as to embody the various possible ex. bill deals with ; least of all can the tremities to which an imaginary voter opponents of the bill deny it; that might be reduced under circumstances abuse having been denounced and at.. uniformly the most adverse; that is, not tacked pro formâ in every session of as in real life, where excess in one direcParliament except one since they tion is compensated in the long run by an came into office. This being so, and opposite excess in another ; but where the general purpose of the bill being all these excesses run constantly in one admitted as a reasonable purpose on direction. His distance, for example, all sides, it is in its special provisions from the several places of registration, that we are to look for any thing evil. of appeal, &c., is supposed always the But, if so, the onus of producing this very outside of what the law tolerates : provision lies upon the opponents. his luck is never the average mixture It is no duty of ours to imagine all of good and bad which this world fur. that might be said under a miscon. nishes, but always the very worst : the ception or a wilful misrepresentation opposition to his claim is never such of particular clauses. It is for those as reasonable probabilities promise, who quarrel with the bill to cite and but such as novelists imagine for verify the article by which any man's effect. In short, the whole of Mr rights could be abridged, or any in- Pigot's case is the very outside case terest resting upon a foundation of of all extremities. And when he asks reality could be damaged. The bur- - Now what do you say to that? our den of proof clearly lies where we answer is—that his imaginary client place it, that is, with the objectors ; must have been the very first-born of since it must be easy for them to sub. calamity, a condemned subject, an enstantiate any real grievance; whilst on funt perdu from his birth. And, seour part, to anticipate all imaginary riously, the entire objection is nothing grievances would be a work of impos- more than a circumstantial repetition sibility. But with this onus resting of the old original and sole objection upon them, the opponents of the mea- which we have already noticed so fully sure have been able to put their finger --that in redressing the injury of false upon no one specific clause as tangibly claims, Lord Stanley has circumscribvicious. The objection taken by Lorded the privilege of the just claimant. Morpeth, and upon which he divided And the short answer to that is, gene. the House, was not even by pretence rally, a denial of the fact: all rights, all an allegation of wrong done or to be privileges, in proportion to their value, done : it was such a blank “ grab," require efforts and personal appear. (to borrow a low word for a low act,) ances for their assertion and their consuch a mere snatch at a bonus for his tinued exercise. The privilege of party, as we do not remember to have voting for a representative in Parlia. read of in all the records of Parlia. ment is, after all, in the worst case, not ment. That we may notice else. so much encumbered with exertion as where. But beyond that, which did not it was under the old modes of election, profess to touch any principle what. where only one polling place existed ever, there has been no indication for for a whole county. Secondly, that good or for ill of any one specific this "worst case" can rarely occur, clause or provision in Lord Stanley's because the objector to a vote comes bill. The general principle of appeals forward at his own risk, in the contin. has indeed been denounced; but that, gency of his either making a false ob. though indispensable to a searching jection or of his inability to sustain a trial of false claims, is not peculiarly true one : that at any rate he rouses connected with Lord Stanley's reform: a spirit of deep resentment: and that few men will choose to face this con- party distinctions, which expresses currence of risk and of vindictive feel- what is at once true and not true, but ing without strong grounds to go upon. for want of one important distinction, Thirdly, were all this otherwise, and misleads great numbers of people; and the evil as heavy as it is represented, those people amongst the most thought. still that the disease has dictated the ful and upright in the land. No senremedy ; and that at a less cost, the timent is oftener heard amongst us restoration of a sound state could not than that which professes the most have been had. Grant that the cost entire indifference for all parties, no were really a high one, still it is matter how denominated - Whigs or better at a high cost to have a per- Tories, Conservatives or Liberals,-in fect relief, than at a low cost to pur- the very same breath with some earchase such a palliation as leaves a nest expression of interest as to a parconstant opening to relapse. means. ticular measure, or a particular line of a We repeat, therefore, that, so far policy. Constantly we hear people as Lord Stanley and his bill are sepa- professing for themselves this total rately concerned, there is scarcely a recklessness of party, and adding at the call to say one word more. It would same time such words as these—“ We be really to suggest arguments against do sincerely believe that the vast mathe measure if we were to give hy. jority of thinking people in this nation, pothetic answers to possible cavils. who have neither great landed estates Such objections as malice and in- nor great aristocratic connexions, nor genuity have been able to suggest, all powerful journals to force them into resolve into the one general charge of politics, care not one straw for this a tendency to narrow the franchise, or party or that party—but simply for at least practically to narrow its exer- the national welfare wherever they cise, at an era when the spirit of legis. can discover it, for the preservation lation moves in the very opposite di- of peace so far as it is consistent with rection. That is the one objection. honour, and for the fulfilment of the And the one sufficient answer is that many duties which belong to the varied an artificial abuse of a privilege cannot powers of so great a nation as ours." but react under all good government Something like this is continually by an artificial contraction of that pri- said : and it is said by people of sense vilege. An excessive license must and education beyond all others : and eventually issue in some legal limita- it does certainly wear the appearance tion that would not else have been re- of truth. For nothing is less common quired. But these limitations will sel. than determinate party connexions dom affect the equitable claim; and, amongst professional people, or gene. in any case where they should happen rally amongst people in the retired to do so, the blame recoils, to the last walks of life. Meantime, though fraction, upon the original wrong-doer, there is an apparent truth in all this, who has furnished the necessity for there is also much falsehood. the restriction. For it is certain that this remotion But it is not as a subject of defence from party is in no other or higher or apology, or within those narrow sense true at present, than as it has negative limits, that this Stanley always been true. But so far is any measure of amendment calls for notice. such indifference to party from being It is by positive powers, by large com historically true of the middle classes prebensive indications of its author in past times, that since the very oriand its author's party, by large diffe- gin of parties, always the mass of the rences which it expounds broadly, as people have had a party bias, and alseparating party from party, principle ways this bias has been towards one from principle, tendency from ten- party by preference to the other. The dency, that this bill speaks loudly, aristocracy for separate reasons may plainly, and instructively, to all who have divided themselves between the would understand what are Conse va- two great leading parties; but the peotive politics. ple have always been attached excluLet us preface what we are going sively to one. Thus, about the times to say, by drawing into notice a very of William III., can there be a doubt general liabit of thought applying to that the affections of the people were |