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unmolested. The Turkish officers in the numbers and discipline of the vain urged the seraskier to pursue and Ottomans gave them gradually the crush the retiring “ rabble of kuzzil. advantage ; till, in the middle of the bashes,” (as an Osmanli historian con- summer, Cicala issued orders for a temptuously calls them), before they general advance of all his divisions on recovered from their panic; and the Tabreez, the recovery of which would brave Sefer, beglerbeg of Erzroom, have enabled him to execute his avow. offered, if he were allowed to take only ed design of marching into the interior the élite of the cavalry, to bring the of Persia. Contrary to the advice of Shah bound hand and foot to head- his counsellors, Abbas determined to quarters ; but Cicala was deaf to both hazard a decisive engagement for the arguments and entreaties, and, alleging defence of this important city; and as a reason for his inaction the ad- having strengthened his army by revanced season, and the necessity of calling his favourite general Ali. Verdi awaiting the junction of the Pasha of Khan from the siege of Bagdad, conWan, suffered the golden opportunity fronted the Turkish army (Aug. 10) to escape. He now announced his in- on the banks of the lake of Tabreez. tention of leading the army into win- The tactics usually adopted by the ter-quarters in Shirwan, where his own Ottomans in their great battles with son, Mahmood-pasha, was governor, the Persians, and with other Asiatic and thus preventing the Shah, by the armies, consisting principally of cafear of a movement on his flank, from valry, differed in some degree from advancing from Tabreez till the spring. those employed against the more reBut the troops rose in open mutiny, gular armies of Europe ; and as the and, exclaiming, “ When Cicala was present engagement was in a great capitan-pasba he went with the fleet measure decided by the peculiarities to Messina to visit his mother, and of this order of battle, it nierits a parnow that he is seraskier, must he go at ticular description. Their long series the head of his army to visit his son ?" of field artillery (of which the Perdeclared their determination to winter sians, before the travels of the Shirleys, in Anatolia, and not in the inhospi- were almost entirely destitute) was table and half-subdued territory of ranked in front of the position, and Shirwan. The seraskier attempted to the guns were frequently secured to coerce the refractory troops ; but they one another by massive chains,* to overthrew his pavilions by cutting the guard against any sudden onset which tent-ropes, (a usual mode among might penetrate the intervals of the Turkish soldiers of expressing their line. The heavy fire of the ordnance dissatisfaction with their general;) and was supported by the musketry of the Cicala, finding himself compelled to janizaries, whose odas or regiments, forego the project of advancing into drawn up in steady array behind the Shirwan, sent the army into canton- cannon, with their flanks protected by ments on the frontiers of Anatolia, the squadrons of spahis or regular persisting with characteristic obsti, cavalry, formed the main strength of nacy in establishing his own head- the Turkish battle: while a countless quarters at the advanced position of swarm of Tartars, and other irregu. Wan, till the forays of the Persian lars, thrown out in advance as skir. light troops, who ravaged the country mishers, served to bear the first impeup to the walls of the town, rendered tuous shock of the enemy, or at least it necessary for him to withdraw to to exhaust their ardour and blunt the Erzroom.

edge of their weapons. It was not The campaign of 1605 opened with till the hostile forces were fatigued by a series of bloody but indecisive the slaughter, or dispersed in the puractions along the whole line of the suit of these worthless auxiliaries, that contested frontier, in which, however, the disciplined battalions of the Otto.

* This linking together of the field-pieces is frequently alluded to in the Autobiography of the Mogul Emperor Baber, who calls it "the practice of Room" or Turkey: vide pages 314 and 362 of Leyden's translation. Among the miracles related by Persian historians of Shah Ismael, the founder of the Sooffee dynasty, it isasserted that at the battle of Tchalderoon, in 1514, the huge chain connecting the Turkish cannon was severed by the holy monarch with a single blow of his scimitar |

mans were brought up to a general of another corps directed to occupy and irresistible assault: the columns the place in the line which the preciof janizaries, keeping up a continual pitation of Sefer-Pasha bad left va. fire during their advance, drove the cant, was mistaken for a retreat by the enemy from the field by the weight of other divisions, who fell back in dis. their planaz; and the victory was order; and Abbas, seeing the hostile completed by the rapid charges of the line wavering, led a general and furireserved cavalry from the wings, ous charge against their embarrassed which frustrated any attempt on the columns. The Turks instantly gave part of the hostile leaders to rally the way, and, unable to retreat to their retreating and confused masses. Such camp, which was already in the hands had been the almost invariable event of Ali-Verdi, were driven from the of every great action in which the field in inextricable confusion ; and as Turks had heretofore encountered an the ground was favourable to pursuit Asiatic opponent: and it was by this by the Persian cavalry, a terrible carsystem that the brilliant victories of nage ensued. Five pashas were slain Selim I. over Shah Ismael and the on the field, and as many more (among Mamluke sultans had been obtained: whom was Sefer) taken prisoners : but the organization which we have the whole artillery and materiel of the described, calculated only to repel an routed army, with the horsetails and attack in front, could with difficulty treasures of the seraskier, fell into the manæuvre to meet an unforeseen dis hands of the victors; and the number version on the flank or rear, which of heads which were laid at the feet of would at once deprive the main body the Persian king as trophies of his of the support of the principal part of arms, are said by De Govvea, who was the cavalry and artillery, since these an eye-witness, to have exceeded could not be withdrawn from the front 20,000. The glory of Abbas was, without throwing the line into confu- however, tarnished by the cruel exesion; and of this defect Abbas deter- cution of the gallant Sefer-Pasha and mined to avail himself.

other Turkish officers, who were deIt is not easy to reconcile, in all capitated in the royal presence, on their points, the details of this great battle refusal to change their faith and alleas given by the Turkish historians, giance by entering the service of who strive to conceal or extenuate Persia. their defeat, with the Persian narra- It is not improbable that the supetive in the Zubd-al- Towarikh, fol. rior generalship displayed by the Pere lowed by Sir John Malcolm.* It ap- sian commanders in this memorable pears, however, that Abbas, who had action was due to the counsels of Sir less than 70,000 men to oppose to Robert Shirley, who was in attend100,000 Turks, detached a corps pre- ance on the Shab, and received three viously to the engagement under Ali. wounds in the melée ; but the conseVerdi Khan, with orders to fall upon quences of the conduct pursued by the the rear of the enemy and attack their Seraskier after his defeat, were more camp during the heat of the action; disastrous to the interests of the Porte and the execution of this enterprise than even the loss of the battle—the was facilitated by the inconsiderate first great victory which the Persians ardour of Sefer-Pasha, who, rashly had ever gained over the Osmanlis. pursuing to a distance from the field Cicala had been suffering during the the Persians opposed to him, left one campaign from long-continued sicka flank of the Ottoman line uncovered. ness, which incapacitated him from At this moment Ali-Verdi made his taking any personal share in the attack in the rear, and several odas battle; and the Turkish historians of janizaries were detached by Cicala seem to intimate that he purposely from the front to meet and repel it; sacrificed Sefer-Pasha and his divibut the movement of these troops and sion, (which consisted chiefly of le

• History of Persia, i. 355. 8vo edition. Malcolm appears not to have been aware of the history and parentage of Cicala, though they are mentioned by almost every cotemporary writer : he says that "the harsh appellation of the Turkish general Jaghal-aghli" (son of Jaghala) " is softened into Cigala, by Antonio de Guvvea." He also places his death in 1607, two years later thau the true date.

The consequences of this imprudent act of severity remain inscribed on the broad page of Ottoman history. The two brothers of the slaughtered chief, who succeeded to his authority over their native tribe, instantly quitted the army, and returning to Syria at the head of 30,000 men, openly threw off their allegiance to the Porte, and commenced the geat revolt of Syria, of which Cicala was singularly unfortunate in being thus the author, as his punishment of the firaris at the battle of Keresztes had previously led to the rebellion of Anatolia. The latter insurrection, indeed, had never been completely suppressed: though the removal of the two original leaders had for a time stifled its progress, it speedily revived under KalenderOghlu and his lieutenants, who were even at this time devastating the provinces along the shores of the Egean; and the communication into which they speedily entered with the insurgents of Syria, kindled throughout the Asiatic dominions of the Porte the flames of a civil war which, after subsisting through nearly the whole reign of Ahmed, was at last only quenched by the extermination of the vanquished party. But the history of this struggle does not belong to the life of Cicala, whose eventful career was now drawing to a close. The defeats which he had sustained, and the apprehension of the consequent downfal of his interest at the Porte, weighed heavily on his proud spirit, and aggravated the malady under which he had been previously suffering; and on the retreat from Wan to Diarbekir, which the proximity of the Persians and the insubordination of his remaining troops had rendered necessary, "he died," says Naima, "of a fever, which the thoughts of his misfortunes had occasioned." The Portuguese De Govvea, who was then present as an envoy in the Persian camp, states, less

vends or pardoned rebels,) by neglecting to advance to their support; but he exerted himself to the utmost to rally his flying troops, and narrowly escaped being taken prisoner in attempting to cover the retreat with a small corps which remained firm, issuing his orders from a camel-litter, as he was too weak to sit on horseback. When all was irretrievably lost, he mounted the foot soldiers who were still with him on the baggagedromedaries, and thus succeeded, with two thousand men, in reaching Wan, whither the wrecks of the routed army had preceded him. Among the other leaders here assembled, he found Janpoulad-Hassan, a powerful Koordish chief whom he had a short time before nominated to the pashalik† of Aleppo, and who, having heard of the defeat of the grand army when on his march at the head of the Syrian contingent to join it, had retrograded to Wan, and there waited the arrival of the commander-in-chief. Though warned of his danger from the wrath of the seraskier, exasperated by his recent overthrow-Jan-poulad replied, with the characteristic pride of a Koord, that so far from his having any punishment to apprehend, Cicala would not even dare to have him awakened if he heard that he was asleep! and in his first interview, he boldly claimed credit for having saved so large a force from sharing the fate of the rest of the army. But the fierce temper of Cicala, inflamed to fury by his misfortunes, could little endure to be further chafed by the haughty bearing of the Koord, who fearlessly retorted the vehement reproaches with which he was assailed for his delay in repairing to headquarters, till the seraskier, yielding to the impulse of his anger, ordered the head of Jan-poulad to be struck off in front of his tent; -a sentence which was immediately executed.

"It is remarkable that those who fell in these actions were, for the most part, those who had been very lately engaged in rebellion against the Porte, but who were now, by the retributive justice of Providence, made to wash off their guilt in fountains of blood!"

The power of appointing and changing the governors exceeded the ordinary powers of a Seraskier, but it appears to have been specially conferred on Cicala. The nomination of Jan-poulad, the chief of a native tribe, to a government, was a direct violation of established usages, and is commented upon as such by Turkish writers.

Von Hammer places his death Dec. 5, A. D. 1605, corresponding to the 21st of Hajeb, Anno Hegira, 1014. Naima says that he died on the 21st of Dhul-Hajja in the same year, which would be in April, 1606; but this is probably an oversight, as he certainly died in the winter after his defeat.

ON PERSONIFICATION.

PART II.

HAVING, in a former article, attempted to explain, and illustrate by familiar or forcible examples, the feelings by which personification is prompted, we proceed to consider some of the principal objects on which it may be most successfully employed.

It was impossible that the eye either of poetry or of superstition could be turned to the heavens, and could behold the brightest corporeal reflections of the Divine effulgence, without conveying to the heart those feelings of awe, admiration, and love, which so strongly tend to invest their objects with personality. Accordingly, in most systems of mythological religion, the sun and moon appear to have held an eminent place under various and manifold forms of deification. In the Greek and Roman pantheons we meet not only with Helios and Selené, Sol and Luna, as the avowed impersonations of the great lights of heaven, but with many other divinities who are types of the same luminaries, or of the principles involved in their essence. Apollo and Artemis, Janus and Diana, Bacchus and Ceres, have been respectively united together, as representing those glorious powers which are set on high to rule over the day, the night, and the year, and to diffuse life, and plenty, and gladness through the habitations of men. A tendency of a similar kind seems, at least latterly, to have con. verted the heroic Hercules, with his twelve labours, into a shadow of the god of day in his progress through the twelve divisions of the zodiac. The ancient Persians paid homage to the sun under the name of Mithras, interpreted we believe to mean, the Great One-as appearing to the vulgar to be the manifested form, and to the intelligent to be the most impressive image, of the true Godhead. The Egyptian and Syrian systems, were in a great degree founded upon the same basis;

and those of the Indian and Teutonic nations give it also a place, though a place, perhaps, of less prominence and importance.

It is worth while to notice some of the more curious fables, by which the natural phenomena of these heavenly bodies have been arrayed in a palpable and living shape.

That Osiris, though also, perhaps, embodying other and profounder imaginations, was, partially at least, a. personification of the sun, as Isis probably was of the moon, seems to admit of little doubt; and the Egyptian festival which celebrated the supposed loss and recovery of their god, referred, as it is thought, to the retreat and return of the sun before and after the winter solstice. The same religious rite, with the same meaning, extended into Phoenicia, and ultimately into Greece.

Thammuz, or Adonis, was the altered name under which the great source of light and joy was lamented by the Phoenician maidens, as annually suffering an apparent decline of his power that seemed to threaten dissolution, though soon succeeded by a glad revival and restoration. We all remember Milton's allusion to that ceremony, of which the licentious and idolatrous perversions had infected even the house of Judah:

"Thammuz came next behind, Whose annual wound in Lebanon allured The Syrian damsels to lament his fate, In amorous ditties all a summer's day: While smooth Adonis from his native rock Ran purple to the sea, supposed with blood Of Thammuz yearly wounded: the love

tale

Infected Sion's daughters with like heat; Whose wanton passions in the sacred porch

Ezekiel saw,* when, by the vision led,
His eye survey'd the dark idolatries
Of alienated Judah."

Vos, O clarissima mundi

Lumina, labentem cœlo quæ ducitis annum, Liber et alma Ceres."-Virgil, Georgic. i. 5. "Ye glorious lights of life! that guide on high The gliding year's glad progress through the sky, Bacchus and bounteous Ceres!"

† Ezek. viii. 14, et seq.

Of polish'd ivory was the covering wrought;

The matter vied not with the sculptor's
thought; (!)

For in the portal was display'd on high,
(The work of Vulcan) a fictitious sky;
A waving sea the inferior earth embraced,
And gods and goddesses the water
graced."

The moral of this tale seems to have found a fainter echo on the shores of Greece, where the voice of fancy added its own inventions, or its applications of historical tradition to the original metaphor. Venus, a type of nature, or of the fertile earth, still lamented annually the death of Adonis ; but his revival seems generally to have been lost sight of, and, according to the story adopted by Ovid, he was converted into a flower. But traces of the original import of the fiction are to be found in other versions of it, which divided the possession of Adonis between Venus and Proserpine, giving A dextrâ lævâque Dies, et Mensis, et him to each of them for six months in the year; a distribution which can scarcely be considered as unconnected with the annual variations of the sun's apparent orbit.

The manner in which the classical fabulists adapted the sun's diurnal journey to human conceptions, is familiar to all in the Ovidian story of Phaeton: where the whole costume and demoanour of the solar god are depicted in the most brilliant coleurs, and with the most plausible consistency of contrivance. We may be allowed to extract some passages from it, which are most pertinent to our present discussion, though we wish we could subjoin a translation less pointless and prosaic than that of Addison. The description of the sun's palace is like a vision from the Arabian nights :

"Regia solis erat sublimibus alta columnis

The day-god himself is well represented, and encircled with an appropriate train of attendants.

"Purpureâ velatus veste sedebat "In solio Phoebus, claris lucente smaragdis.*

Annus,

Seculaque, et posita spatiis æqualibus
Hora:

Verque novum stabat, cinctum florente
coronâ ;

Stabat nuda Estas, et spicea serta gerebat;

"

Stabat et Autumnus, calcatis sordidus uvis,
Et glacialis Hiems, canos hirsuta capillos.'
"The God sits high exalted on a throne
Of blazing gems, with purple garments on;
The Hours in order ranged on either hand,
And Days and Months and Years and
Ages stand.

Here Spring appears with flowery chaplets
bound;

Here Summer in her wheaten garland

crown'd;

Here Autumn the rich trodden grapes be◄

smear;

And hoary Winter shivers in the rear."

The reception of Phaeton by his celestial father contains a trait which

Clara micante auro flammasque imitante has often been admired as natural and

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*

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Compare this with Milton's still more glowing description, and remember that Ovid was a favourite with him :

"High on a throne of royal state, which far
Outshone the wealth of Ormus and of Ind,
Or where the gorgeous East, with richest hand,
Showers on her kings barbaric pearl and gold,
Satan exalted sate."

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