justice, to be released from the inevitable consequences that must ensue from its inaction, then it must surely follow that the only competition between neutral Powers hereafter will be, not which shall do the most, but which shall do the least, to fulfil its obligations of interdiction of the industry and enterprise of its people in promoting the conflicts that take place between belligerents on the ocean.' And with such an enormous commerce always at sen as we have, and so large a portion of population. dependent for food upon foreign imports, who has so much right to dread such a lax interpretation of the duty of Leutrals as we have? We cannot believe that England will persist in declining the perfectly fair and honorable mode we have proposed for the settlement of this whole dispute. It would be a burning shame for two such nations to plunge into war about such a controversy as this; and we rest in the full confidence that the British Government will either assent to our offer of arbitration, or propose some other peaceful method of adjustment. We trust we are too near the millennium for England and America, the chief representatives of Protestant Christianity, and leaders in the great enterprises of Christian benevolence and reform the world over, to act the part of civilized savages by going to war for the settlement of any disputes likely to rise between us. There are doubtless some mad-caps in each country that would gloat, just as the devil would, over such a conflict; but thanks to the God of Peace for so general a prevalence of peaceful, Christian sentiments among us as to defeat the aims of such war-spirits. With these views, we much regret to find Lord Clarendon, the successor of Earl Russell as Foreign Secretary, closing apparently the whole discussion of these piratical depredations from England upon our commerce, in the following way: "It is nevertheless my duty, in closing this correspondence, to observe that no armed vessel departed during the war from a British port to cruise against the commerce of the United States, and to maintain that throughout all the difficulties of the civil war by which the United States have lately been distracted, but in the termination of which no nation rejoices more cordially than Great Britain, the British Government have steadily and honestly discharged all the duties incumbent on them as a neutral Power, and have never deviated from the obligations imposed on them by international law." Every one of these positions is regarded by our people and our government as notoriously untrue; and the question now is whether the points thus in issue shall be referred to the decision of impartial arbiters mutually chosen. This we proposed long ago; but England, under excuses that seem to us quite unsatisfactory, still persists in refusing. We trust that neither party will ever be so insane as to think of going to war about the matter; but our people never will be, nor ever ought to be satisfied with the position now taken by the British Government. DENSE POPULATION.-The island of Jersey has an area of less than 70 square miles, Guernsey of about 50 square miles. Neither island is manufacturing or mineral; yet the population of the former in 1861 was 55,613, in the latter 29,850, being at the rate of over 800 per square mile for Jersey, and 600 for Guernsey. The average population of Great Britain is under 280 per square mile, in Belgium it is 440, in Holland 280. THE JAMAICA MASSACRES.- When we first heard of these, we could not for a moment doubt that British justice and humanity would in due time treat them with the disavowal and reprobation they so richly deserve, and would bring the authorities in Jamaica to a strict account for such horrid outrages perpetrated by them in the name of law. We are not disappointed; and, since reading the grand demonstration in Exeter Hall, Dec. 12th, its noble resolutions and speeches applauded throughout to the echo, we breathe freer. England's herself again, and her good name, though sadly tarnished for a time, will yet come out of the trial fair and bright as ever. Had it been otherwise, we should have deemed it a deplorable calamity to the world. It is true, none of her titled nobility were in Exeter Hall; but her truest and highest nobility, the men who create and control the public opinion that ultimately dictates to Parliament and the throne, were there in full force. The result, we doubt not, will prove the decisive superiority of moral power over brute force in dealing with the wrongs and evils of society. THE FRANCO-MEXICAN IMBROGLIO.-The President, in his Message at the opening of Congress, represented our foreign relations as all friendly; but he must have said this with a full understanding of the dangers to which Napoleon's interference with Mexico is exposing us to collision with France. Public sentiment here is not likely to remain quiet under a long continuance of such an insult and menace to democratic government, and, unless Napoleon changes his policy, will probably lead to diplomatic difficulties with France; but we feel quite confident that the matter will be adjusted by diplomacy, and never reach an actual appeal to the sword. It may disturb, if not suspend for a time, our friendly relations; but farther than this the "sober second-thoughts" of the people will not let our war-demagogues go, and a "masterly inactivity" on one side, if not on both, will doubtless suffice to insure in time a far better decision than could ever be expected from the sword. ABUSE OF THE MONROE DOCTRINE. This doctrine, as a measure of peaceful precaution, we have always regarded with favor; but we are well aware of its liability to perversion, and are sorry to see it just now used by unwise, if not unprincipled men as a watchword to rouse the dogs of war from the lair to which they have lately gone to rest. Against such an abuse of the doctrine all good men should earnestly protest; and we are glad to find so many and so influential journals frowning on the quixotic idea of a crusade by us in favor of popular government on this continent. It would be a folly fit only for a mad-house; and we shall be sadly disappointed if many of even our most reckless politicians shall be found ready to echo the watchword of the first French Revolution, "War to the throne, and peace to the cottage!" Such a battle-cry may stir the passions of the rabble; but all thoughtful men will remember how it ended, after more than twenty years of general war, after the sacrifice of more than ten million lives, and the accumulation of nearly ten thousand millions of debt, in crushing democracy all over Europe. FENIANISM. We are at some loss to describe this novel movement. It is not long since we first heard of it, and now it comes before the world very like Minerva full-armed from the head of Jupiter. We did suppose for a time it must be a sort of Irish Don Quixote started on his Rozinante, or a second Peter the Hermit preaching to all Irishmen the world over a crusade for the rescue of their Green Isle from British rule. Such is their avowed object; and for its accomplishment, they attempt to set up in this friendly country the entire machinery of an Irish Republic on the model of our own, to be transplanted to Ireland, and put in operation there, all without asking leave of Her Majesty, the Queen of England. So to these enthusiasts it would seem to be already a grand and glorious reality; for -they have adopted a form of government, framed a constitution, and elected their rulers, a Senate, Representatives, and an Exceutive, all three thousand miles off, and without the slightest prospect of being able to reach Ireland with this democratic engine for its political regeneration. A wilder, more Utopian scheme was never broached, and so clearly a piece of political nonBense and humbuggery, that our government seems to have taken no notice of it whatever. It is said to have collected already some $7,000,000 from its dupes for the personal benefit, we suppose, of its leaders. If there be anything really serious in this movement, we should deem our government inexcusable for not putting its foot upon it at once. We all indorsed Mr. Sumner's complaint against England for allowing our rebels to make her the base of their naval operations against our government; and equally wrong would it be for us to let Irish enemies of the British Government here to plot or abet rebellion in Ireland. "It is a poor rule that wont -work both ways; " and we must either cease to complain of British collusion with our Southern rebels, or frown in earnest upon this bold, impudent attempt of Irishmen in America to hatch or nurse rebellion in Ireland. In any view of the case we marvel that our journals take so much notice of a movement that can be excused only on the ground of its being too ridiculous to work any serious mischief. They talk about it day after day just as if it -were an earnest, hopeful reality, rather than mere moonshine. If the entire press here had treated it with the contemptuous neglect that it so well deserved, we doubt whether we should ever have heard of this wild, visionary scheme of an Irish Republic. Everybody knows, the leaders especially, that it must all end in smoke, and benefit only the few who contrive to grow rich or notorious on the hard earnings of their dupes." RECONSTRUCTION OF THE REBEL STATES Is a subject scarcely touched by us as yet; but we have all along had a strong impression, that it will, in its manifold difficulties and hazards, strikingly show the suicidal folly of attempt ing to settle disputes by an appeal to the sword. We grant that our rebels took the responsibility of making this appeal, and thus compelled ourg ernment, in the discharge of its well-defined duties, to use "the sword of the magistrate" in executing its laws against those who violated them; but the whole case is, nevertheless, a sad and fearful commentary on the folly of relying on mere brute force to decide a question of right. If such is to be the rule hereafter, and the experience of our four years of domestic conflict were to continue at the rate of three or four millions of dollars a day, and two or three hundred thousand lives a year on both sides, how long would either party be willing or able to bear it? Here is the practical issue between the War-system and the peace-system; and every one can judge for himself which is best. Price of the above, eight pages for a cent, one quarter discount per hundred, or or gratuitous distribution. FUNDS have been raised for sending it gratuitously for a time,-1. To a large number of our 4,000 or 5,000 periodicals, in the hope that they will help spread the information it contains, -2. To a select number of our 40,000 preachers of the gospel, to all, indeed, who take up a collection for the Society,-3. To prominent laymen, and to the Library or Reading Room of our higher Seminaries, to be preserved for permanent use. We presume that those to whom it is sent will willingly pay the postage; but, if not, they can return it. We trust that not a few will become subscribers, contributors, or co-workers in other ways. Such information as it contains we would fain put in every family. PUBLICATIONS ON PEACE. In the cause of peace, more perhaps than in any other enterprise of benevolence or reform, the press has been employed as the chief instrument in bringing the subject before the public in its various bearings. Besides its periodical, the ADVOCATE OF PEACE, and more than eighty stereotyped tracts, it has published the following volumes: Prize Essays on a Congress of Nations, 8vo., pp. 703 (very few),. Book of Peace, 12mo., pp. 696. The Society's Tracts, bound, .... $3.00 1 00 40 1 50 40 40 30 40 50 The Right Way. pp. 303. Issued by Am. Tract Society, N. Y.,.. ADDRESSES BEFORE THE SOCIETY. 1. By Walter Channing, M. D, delivered in 1844. 2. By Hon. William Jay, delivered in 1845 and 1855. 3. By Hon. Charles Sumner, on the War-System, delivered in 1849. 4. By Rufus W. Clarke, D. D., delivered in 1851. 5. By F. W. Huntington, D. D., delivered in 1852, 6. By William H. Allen, M. D., LL. D., delivered in 1854. 7. By Rufus P. Stebbins, D. D., delivered in 1857. 8. By Hon. Gerrit Smith, delivered in 1858. 9. By G. B. Cheever, D. D., Eulogy on Judge Jay, delivered in 1859. 10. By Samuel J. May, D. D. delivered in 1860. 11. By Howard Malcom, D. D., LL. D., delivered in 1800. 12. By iton. Amasa Walker, delivered in 1863. 50 40 Of the above, we have only a few of 1,2, (except that in 1855,) 4, and 9; of 3 we have many, a large second edition, 80 pp.; and quite a number of the others. CHIEF EXECUTIVE OFFICERS. HOWARD MALCOM, D. D., LL. D., President, Philadelphia. BARON STOW, D. D., Chairman of Executive Committee. JOHN FIELD, Esq., Treasurer. GEO. C. BECKWITH, D. D., Corresponding Secretary. WILLIAM C. BROWN, Esq., Recording Secretary. FORM OF BEQUEST. I give and bequeath to the American Pence Society, incorporated by the Legislature of Massachusetts, the sum of - dollars, to be paid in months after my decease, for the purposes of said Society, and for which the receipt of its Treasurer for the time being shall be a sufficient discharge. Be sure you give the Society its exact name, and have the will drawn in the way, and attested by the full number of witnesses, required by the laws of your State, or the will may be broken. |