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dignified, if successful, with the name of revolution. Whence is this alleged right derived? From the rights inherent in all governments? There is not among them a single one, whether despotic, monarchical, or democratic, that does not, in its own practice, condemn it, and on its statute-book brand it as the climax of all crimes. Does the Bible anywhere sanction the principle? No; all its teachings unite in enforcing obedience or submission, not resistance, still less revolutionary violence, to the "powers that be." Paul's exhortations (Rom. 13: 1-5.) to Christians at Rome, even under the despotism of Nero, would seem to be, if anything could be, a decisive veto upon all attempts at violent revolution. So with like passages scattered through the Christian Scriptures. They contain not one word in favor of such resistance to government, but repeated and most pointed rebukes of the principle. We see not how it is possible for any Christian, with the New Testament in his hand, to abet, justify, or excuse an attempt to resist or overthrow the government over him by violence. Nor, indeed, do we find in any respectable modern treatise on government formal, definite arguments in proof of the claim, that people, whenever dissatisfied with the government over them, are at liberty to overthrow it by violence, and construct another one in its place. Such, we know, is the theory, such the practice; but we find nothing in the Bible, very little in the essential principles of civil government, and not much, all things considered, in the nature of the case, to favor or tolerate the assumed right of revolution.

BRITISH REBELLIONS. The British Government, which was so eager to abet the rebellion of our slaveholders, is likely to have the chalice put to its own lips. We regret it, yet think she well deserves such recoil of her own wrong. With Fenianism at home, in Ireland, and we know not to what extent elsewhere, and with the late report that even India is only waiting her opportunity to renew her attempts of some ten years ago, she is in fair way to feel some sympathy with ourselves. In one respect she suffers in comparison with us - we have not yet either hung or exiled a single man for treason or rebellion, though ours was a case of life or death to our government itself; while England seems determined to hang and exile we know not how many for attempts at rebellion that no one supposes can put her government in any serious peril.

COST OF A BATTLE TO A CONTINENT. - An English paper says the battle of Sadowa will add henceforth $50,000,000 to the annual estimates of European governments; or, in other words, will mcrease their military expenses to that amount. Nor will the conjecture appear improbable, if we consider what an impulse it has already given to rivalry in military improvements and preparations. It is just in this way that the expenses of governments there have been so enormously increased during the last twenty or thirty Our own government, situated as it is, can have little or no excuse for entering upon such suicidal rivalry, and we trust that the good sense of our people, if not of our rulers, will always forbid the attempt. Once afloat on such a whirlpool, it would be difficult to calculate or conceive bow many nyriads of treasure would eventually be engulphed in it.

years.

GOD OF ARMIES.

"Where should men, who love their country, turn, save to the God of

Armies?" BISHOP WILBERFORCE, OXFORD, ENG.

-

THOυ man of war, whose priest art thou?
At whose great altar dost thou bow,

To learn His sacred will?

Is it before the God of Love,

Who spake that will from heaven above,
And said, "Thou shalt not kill "?

And wilt thou break his holy law,
Or license from his patience draw
To do as did the Jew?

Art thou that Jew of olden days,
That thou should'st call the God of grace,
The God of Armies too?

For ends unknown to man below,
He brought on guilty nations woe,
And spread his wrath around;
On their own sin he made them feed,
And doom'd their choicest ranks to bleed,
And smote them to the ground.

That awful work was his alone,
None shared with him his royal throne,
None moved his mighty hand;

Man stood and trembled as the God
Lifted on high his vengeful rod,
Or sped it through the land.

And now, O priest, wilt thou invade
His right by whom the worlds were made,
And claim his power to kill?
Hath he not bid thee feed the foe,
With all a brother's love below,
And be his brother still?

Hath he not taught thee how to pray
For murderers, in thy darkest day,
As did his dying Son?

Then canst thou his dread arm invoke
To aid the very murderer's stroke,
As battle-fields are won?

Go, learn his will, and teach it, too;
Go, yonder narrow path pursue,
That points to worlds above;
That narrow path the Saviour trod,
None other leads to heaven and God,
To God, our God of Love.

WAR EDUCATION. Some of our public men seem to have well-nigh ❤on mad with the idea of training the mass of our people in the art and habits of war as a safe-guard against future dangers. They are intent on riding this hobby on a full gallop through the land, and obviously expect, in doing so, great credit for patriotism and forecast! They would fain inoculate with the war-virus the whole rising generation in our seminaries of learning, and thus make us a nation of warriors ready, if not eager for actual war.

Here is a glance at the plan. A Major Whittlesey was sent to visit West Point, and various colleges, with a view of seeing how far it may be prac ticable to introduce a system of military instruction into our colleges. lle drew up a plan which he submitted by circular to "all the colleges of the country;" and in his report he proposes to inaugurate in select, leading colleges a system of military instruction. "Military teachers are to be sent from the Army College; (West Point?) graduates who distinguish themselves in military matters are to have their names put into the army register, and one from each college to be commissioned each year as West Point graduates are. Provision is made for encouraging the disposition among army officers to fit themselves for military professions. All military students are to have their books and camp equipage free. A Director-General of military education is to be appointed with the rank and pay of a brigadier-general, and to exercise the supervision of the whole subject, and make annual reports to Congress."

A pretty scheme this for scattering everywhere the dragons-teeth of rebellion and war! It is wisdom very much on a par with that which should teach boys in all our schools, from the highest to the lowest, how to fight duels, and use with surest success revolvers and bowie-knives, as a means of general security to life throughout the community! No matter if this be in the teeth of all our laws which forbid carrying such weapons; our old legislation of this sort has become obsolete; our rebellion has taught us a higher wisdom; and now our chief, or highest duty is to learn how to fight, and then march, with fife and drum, straight into the millennium! It was thus the South acted in preparing themselves for the rebellion; and with what marvellous success to themselves and the whole nation, we all know.

ANNUAL CONTRIBUTION. - We hardly need remind our friends that December is the usual time for contributions in aid of our cause. They all know well that we need in the prosecution of our work far more than they can do; and bearing this in mind, we hope they will, without further call, forward to our office whatever they have to spare for this object. We cannot send for their gifts; they must themselves forward them; and we trust they will do so at their earliest convenience, that we may see how much we can wisely attempt in our cause.

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after scenes, 189-60.

Beecher, H. W., on peace, 161,
Beckwith, G. C., 230, 395.

66 "Peace Manual, 230.
Benezet, Anthony, 10.
Bounties, soldiers, 89, 224.
66 equal, 324.

66

Bohemia, scenes in, 211.

Bombardment, destruction by, 145.
British, treatment of us, 26.
Brown, H. S., speech of, 311.
Brougham, Lord, 232.

Brutality, Spanish, 201.

6 in ancient Rome, 202.

Burritt, Elihu, speeches of, 297, 350.
Burying the dead, 193.
Burton,on war, 233.
Catholics, against liberty, 22.
Cecil, Richard, on war, 233.
Chalmers, on peace, 23, 76, 302.
Civilization, next step in, 203.
Channing, W. E., on war, 233.
Changes favorable to peace, 96.
Christians, early tombs of, 226.

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consistency of on peace, 357.
inconsistencies on war, 5.

Christianity, true, 228.

Church, her war-degeneracy, 193.
Church-members in the union army,
306.

Churches destroyed in the rebellion, 90.
Clarendon, Lord, on war, 232.
Clarkson, Thomas, 10.

66

Code, international, needed, 173.
Congress of nations, 15, 240, 254, 328.
at Geneva, 371.
of Paris, 254.
Correspondence, 59.
Crosby, Prof. A., 207.

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Dead, burying, 193.

Death, records of in rebellion, 279.
Debt, our national, 372.

Debts, American in Europe, 219.

66 our national, 219.

of Europe, 319.

loyal states increased, 46.

assumed by U. S., 52.

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war, magnitude of, 66.

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Mexican, 84.

war, their rise, 180, 184.
British, 181.
of the South, 21,

Disarmament, 58, 255.

66

46.

Girardin on, 256.

Dream, about war, 187.
Economy, political, 167.
English views of us, 54.
England, our relations with, 227.
dispute with, 32.

66

Emigration to America, 155, 164.
Erasmus, on war, 233.

Example, ours abroad, 352.
Excuses for war, 234.

Expenses, military, 28.

Exposition, at Paris, favorable to peace,
348.

Fairbanks, Stephen, 227.
Fenianism, 36.

Field, David Dudley, on peace, 171.
Finances, U. S., 21, 29, 194.
Forgiveness and war, 353.

Frauds on the government, 194.
Franklin, Benj., 232.

Friends of peace, conference, 188.
Fry, Edmund, 323.

Fund, permanent peace, 99.

Garibaldi and revolution, 381.
Gilbert, Timothy, death of, 93.
Girardin, on disarmament, 256.
Government, science of, 309.

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