ror.

dulged in their expressions of grief, too wild and terrible to be described. That evening they began to come in from all directions, singly and in small parties, so changed in fortyeight hours as to be hardly recognizable, during which time they had neither eaten nor slept. Many of the men whose families had been killed, when I spoke to them and expressed sympathy for them, were obliged to turn away, unable to speak, and too proud to show their grief. The women whose children had been killed or stolen, were convulsed with grief, and looked to me appealingly, as though I was their last hope on earth. Children who, two days before, had been full of fun and frolic, kept at a distance, expressing wondering horTheir camp was surrounded and attacked at daybreak. So sudden and unexpected was it, that no one was awake to give the alarm, and I found quite a number of women, who were shot while asleep beside their bundles of hay, which they had collected to bring in on that morning. The women who were unable to get away, had their brains beaten out with clubs or stones. The bodies were all stripped. . I have spent a good deal of time with them since the affair, and have been astonished at their continued unshaken faith in me, and of their perfectly clear understanding of their misfortune. What they do not understand is, that while they are at peace, and conscious of no wrong intent, that they should be murdered. . . One of the chiefs said: 'I no longer want to live; my women and children have been killed before my face, and I have been unable to defend them. Most Indians in my place would take a knife and cut his throat, but I will live to show these people that all they have done, and all they can do, shall not make me break faith with you, so long as you will stand by us and defend us, in a language we know nothing of, to a great governor we never have, nor never shall see.' About their captives, they say: 'Get them back for us; our little boys will grow up slaves, and our girls, as soon as they are large enough, will be diseased prostitutes to get money for whoever owns them. Our women work hard and are good women, and they and our children have no diseases. Our dead you can not bring to life, but those that are living we

give to you, who can write and talk, and have soldiers to get them back.' I will assure you, it is no little task to convince them of my zeal, when they see so little being done."

It was not long after this massacre before Lieutenant Whitman was relieved from duty at Camp Grant. In April, 1872, General Howard visited the scene. The Indians showed him the remains of their dead, which had become exposed. There he found the camp utensils, and clothing and blankets strewn around, and the bundles of hay that the women had brought in the night preceding the slaughter. The Indians spoke of Lieutenant Whitman-the attachment they had for him—and asked that he might be restored to the post, to remain with them. But his denunciation of the barbarous, the murderous act, and those engaged in it, had produced much feeling against him, and there was no cordiality between him and the commanding general, in view of which General Howard thought it was better the petition of the Indians be not granted.

This affair at Camp Grant is not an isolated case. Expeditions of the same kind have been often fitted out and set on foot, with results as merciless and barbarous, and men who claim to give tone to the actions of the communities in which they reside, have openly participated in them. Even the gov ernors of territories have organized bodies of men to go out and hunt down the natives, with authority to kill them wherever found; to destroy their villages, take possession of their property as booty, and to receive a premium for all Indian scalps taken. Territorial legislatures have placed upon their journals resolutions organizing bands of men to be employed in "Indian hunting," with rewards for all scalps taken. The legislature of Idaho fixed the price of scalps at one hundred dollars for the scalp of the "buck," fifty dollars for that of the squaw, and twenty-five dollars for the scalp of every thing in the shape of an Indian under ten years of age, provided that each person shall make oath that the scalps were taken by the "Indian hunting" company; thus reducing the hunting down and killing human beings to a level with the destruction of dangerous wild animals!

The removal of Lieutenant Whitman from the post at Camp

Grant has much in it to attract the attention of considerate persons. Here was a military officer who had, by his conduct, secured the confidence of the Indians who survived the massacre; they were attached to him, and so informed General Howard, and desired his return; but his superiors had relieved him, and why? Simply because he had expressed his opinion, without reserve, touching the conduct of the murderous mob that came from Tucson. Instead of commending the lieutenant for his noble conduct, and defending and sustaining him, the military commander of the district transferred him to another post. The massacre was approved by men of prominence and influence in the territory, and these and the military commander were on such terms that the lieutenant must needs be relieved. General Howard, who felt keenly the enormity of the crime against the Indians, was so embarrassed by the influence of the mob, that he could not recommend that the petition of the Indians have favorable consideration.

13

CHAPTER XI.

A BOARD OF PEACE COMMISSIONERS CREATED BY CONGRESS.-TREATIES MADE with the Kiowa, Comanche, CHEYENNE, AND Arapahoe, Sioux, AND OTHER INDIANS.-FIVE HUNDRED THOUSAND DOLLARS APPROPRIATED TO CARRY THEIR PROVISIONS INTO EFFECT. THIS DUTY CONFIDED TO GENERAL SHERMAN. TRANSFER OF GENERAL SHERIDAN TO THE DEPARTMENT OF THE MISSOURL-HE CONDEMNS WHAT THE PEACE COMMISSION HAD DONE.-HOLDS THAT THE INDIANS SHOULD HAVE BEEN PUNISHED.-GENERAL SHERMAN COINCIDES IN THIS OPINION.-ACTION OF THE COMMISSION AT CHICAGO.-CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE HOSTILE INDIANS SOUTH OF THE ARKANSAS," ETC.

OWING to the complications then existing, Congress, on the 20th of July, 1867, created a commission, with a view "to establish peace with certain hostile Indians." This commission was composed of N. G. Taylor, Commissioner of Indian Affairs; J. B. Henderson, chairman of the Indian Committee of the United States Senate; J. B. Sanborn and S. F. Tappan, civilians; and Generals Sherman, Harney, Terry, and Auger, of the regular army. The commission was authorized "to call together the chiefs and head men of such bands of Indians as were then waging war, for the purpose of ascertaining their reasons for hostility, and, if thought advisable, to make treaties with them, having in view the following objects, viz: First. To remove, if possible, the causes of war. Second. To secure, as far as practicable, our frontier settlements, and the safe building of our railroads looking to the Pacific. And, Third. To suggest or inaugurate some plan for the civilization of the Indians." Also, to examine and select "a district or districts of country, having sufficient. area to receive all the Indian tribes occupying territory east of the Rocky Mountains," not then peaceably residing on permanent reservations, under treaty stipulations, etc., which district or districts should have sufficient arable or grazing land to enable the tribes placed on them to support themselves, and that they should be so located as not to interfere with established highways of travel, and the contemplated railroads to the Pacific."

At the time of its appointment, the commission stated, in its report, that "war was being openly waged by several hostile tribes, and great diversity of opinion existed among the officials of the government, and no less diversity among our people, as to the means best adapted to meet it. Some thought peaceful negotiations would succeed, while others had no hope of peace until the Indians were thoroughly subdued by force of arms. As a concession to this latter sentiment, so largely prevailing, as well as to meet the possible contingency of failure by the commission, it was, perhaps, wisely provided, that in case peace could not be obtained by treaty, or should the Indians fail to comply with the stipulations they might make for going on their reservations, the president might call out four regiments of mounted troops, for the purpose of conquering the desired peace."

The condition and temper of the Indian tribes east of the Rocky Mountains, at that time, was a natural result growing out of such affairs as Lieutenant Dunn's, at Camp Sanborn; Major Dowling's, at Cedar Bluffs; Colonel Chivington's, at Sand Creek; and General Hancock's, at Pawnee Fork; as well as other incidents of a like character, of which there were many, together with the constant aggression of the white people upon the reservations and hunting grounds of the Indians. The dispatch of General Sherman, of the 28th of December, 1866, had much to do in stimulating all who were inclined to annoy and harass the Indians. It was addressed to General Grant, and was in these words: "Just arrived (at St. Louis) in time to attend the funeral of my adjutant-general, Sawyer. I have given general instructions to General Cooke about the Sioux. I do not understand how the massacre of Colonel Fetterman's party could have been so complete. We must act with vindictive earnestness against the Sioux, even to their extermination-men, women, and children. Nothing less will reach the root of this case." All who felt disposed to depredate upon the Indians, even to maiming or killing them, seemed to feel that no matter what excesses they committed, the military would shield them.

The commission, at first, found some difficulty in securing interviews with the chiefs and warriors of such tribes as were