He must learn not only the tactics of campaigns and battles, but he must so enter into them in imagination that he can see the flights of arrows and the charge of knights, or hear the boom of cannon and the rattle of musketry.

What I have been trying to say is that the teacher should aim to develop from their simple beginnings the essential elements of modern civilization; that this should be done in such a way as to preserve the idea of continuity; that the subject matter should be adjusted to the mental calibre of the student; and that the emphasis upon what is considered important is changing in this country, at present, from politics to commercial and social problems.

If a teacher will keep his purpose clearly before him, if he be a student, filled with enthusiasm for history, the method of the recitation, the assignment of lessons, and the use of note books and maps will be easily learned.

Professor ISAAC A. Loos: - Professor Macy, of Iowa College, having arrived, we will now hear from him on the subject, Local Government as a Key to General History.

Professor JESSE MACY:-I wrote out a few pages of my remarks but I did not have time to commit them. We begin with the Greeks in

learning the philosophy of history. ized the neighborhood.

They organ

The better part of the individual man is that part of his nature which he shares in common with his fellow man. Selfhood is realized in the fulfillment of right relations to others. This begins in the family, the clan, or the tribe. But the civilized man realizes his true self in the organized neighborhood or in the state. The Greeks have become the leaders of mankind in the true philosophy of life on account of their clear perception of the identity of the perfect man with the perfect state. With the Greeks the state was simply the organized neighborhood fulfilling all the functions of the general will. The Greek city-state comprehended the full round of religious, industrial, and political life in a simple neighborhood organization. In this small and easily understood organism the Greek realized himself. To fulfill his functions in a just state was to be his true self. The Greeks no more thought of contrasting the man with the state than they did of contrasting the man with his reason. The state was the realization

of the man.

When the Greek city-states sought to federate with other states they failed and hence perished the Greek ideal. Switzerland furnishes

a good illustration of the successful federation of primitive organized neighborhoods. For generations the village communes in the Alps maintained their standing as free institutions. In the course of time communes were federated into free cantons, and finally the free cantons were federated into a free state. Switzerland thus illustrates the march of history from the primitive village to the larger and more comprehensive state. The villages formed the canton, the cantons formed the state, and the progress from the village to the federation was simply by the enlargement of the sphere of the citizen. The citizen of the canton was enriched in character and his political powers and sympathies were enlarged by his becoming a citizen of a state of larger area. Switzerland furnishes, perhaps, the best illustration in all history of state building by the process of federating the primitive villages into a state of larger area. this the Swiss are contrasted with the Greeks who failed to federate, and hence the glory of the Greek city-state was tarnished by the conflict of city against city.

In

France furnishes an illustration of statebuilding of a different type. Here the primitive local institutions were destroyed by centuries of tyranny. The people lost all sense of loyalty to a locality. At the same time they were

instructed in the doctrines of Christian brotherhood. The leaders of the French Revolution, deprived of the conditions favoring local or special loyalty, developed a new sense of loyalty to the race. Humanity became the real and dominant factor. For many thousand years the race had been cursed and every hope of liberty destroyed by conflicts between warring cities and warring countries. The French Revolution proclaimed anew the doctrine of universal brotherhood. The Parliament of Man was to be established and the federation of the race secured. France was to be organized-not for France alone, but for mankind. This high ideal had in it power enough to accomplish the destruction of the agencies of tyranny which had crushed out of the French people the ordinary sense of loyalty to a locality.

The result is that in France when the people think of liberty they think of the central government at Paris, through whose agency their local tyrants have been destroyed. Such local liberties as the people now enjoy they have received at the hands of the central government. By a slow process the sense of free neighborhood life was destroyed by despotism; by a slow process this sense is being restored and enriched. The local liberties restored to the French link France

in a peculiar way with world politics and the interests of the race.

The revolution now in progress in Russia is in marked contrast to the French Revolution. In Russia there is still preserved a lively sense of local privilege. The primitive villages have not been destroyed. The conflict is waged between organized local areas, conscious of privilege, and a central government at war against local liberties. If peace is finally established through a gradual process of harmonizing the policies of the central and local governments, the movement will be described as evolutionary rather than revolutionary.

By whatever process it is reached the end is the same an enlarged and enriched citizenship which includes local autonomy in harmonious coöperation with the organs of the wider

area.

The Anglo-Saxon race has reached this common end by both the Swiss and the French process. Magna Carta is instinct with local privilege. So long as the charter filled the place of a political platform, local privilege received adequate attention. But in England, as in France, the warring factions of feudal lords tended constantly to encroach upon local liberties. Not only so, but as the wars became general and continuous, as in the Wars of the