CHAPTER VIII.

MR. CLAY AS AN AMERICAN PATRIOT.

IT will be obvious, that the evidences of this character are rather incidents of history, running through a long line, and scattered over a wide field, than an assemblage of facts grouped at a single point, and that such a character could not be fully appreciated by the isolated notices, in their chronological order, which contribute to establish such a reputation. Without anticipating history, in the proper amplitude and appropriate details of a work of this kind, and while engaged in a consideration of those personal attributes of Mr. Clay, which comprehend the numerous and variegated phases of his character, it would be manifest injustice to him, and a defect in biography, not to devote some special and separate attention to a topic, which, in this case, will be found to have one of the strongest claims.

In Mr. Clay's reply to Mr. Rives, of Virginia, August 19, 1841, touching Mr. Tyler's veto of the bank-bill, he incidentally gave one of the finest sketches of the virtue of patriotism, that Can be found in the English language. In the earlier part of that day, Mr. Clay had, very temperately and respectfully, reviewed the veto-message, in a speech before the senate, to which Mr. Rives replied, in vindication of Mr. Tyler. Mr. Clay thought Mr. Rives had ascribed to him language which he had not used, and imputed to him motives, of which he was not conscious. On one of the points of rejoinder, Mr. Clay said :—

"The senator says, that, if placed in like circumstances, I would have been the last man to avoid putting a direct veto upon the bill, had it met my disapprobation; and he does me the honor to attribute to me high qualities of stern and unbending intrepidity. I hope, that in all that relates to personal firmness, all that concerns a just appreciation of the insignificance of human lifewhatever may be attempted to threaten or alarm a soul not easily swayed by opposition, or awed or intimidated by menace—a stout heart and a steady eye, that can survey, unmoved and undaunted,

any mere personal perils that assail this poor, transient, perishing frame, I may, without disparagement, compare with other men. But, there is a sort of courage, which, I frankly confess, I do not possess, a boldness to which I dare not aspire, a valor which I can not covet. I can not lay myself down in the way of the welfare and happiness of my country. That I can not, I have not the courage to do. I can not interpose the power with which ] may be invested, a power conferred, not for my personal benefit, nor for my aggrandizement, but for my country's good, to check her onward march to greatness and glory. I have not courage enough, I am too cowardly for that. I would not, I dare not, in the exercise of such a trust, lie down, and place my body across the path that leads my country to prosperity and happiness. This is a sort of courage widely different from that which a man may display in his private conduct and personal relations. Personal or private courage is totally distinct from that higher and nobler courage which prompts the PATRIOT to offer himself a voluntary sacrifice to his country's good." Again: "Apprehensions of the imputation of the want of firmness sometimes impel us to perform rash and inconsiderate acts. It is the greatest courage to be able to bear the imputation of a want of courage. But pride, vanity, egotism, so unamiable and offensive in private life, are vices which partake of the character of crimes in the conduct of public affairs. The unfortunate victim of these passions can not see beyond the little, petty, contemptible circle of his own personal interests. All his thoughts are withdrawn from his country, and concentrated on his consistency, his firmness, HIMSELF. The high, the exalted, the sublime emotions of a PATRIOTISM, which, soaring toward Heaven, rises far above all mean, low, or selfish things, and is absorbed by one soul-transporting thought of the good and the glory of one's country, are never felt in his impene trable bosom. That PATRIOTISM, which, catching its inspiration from the immortal God, and leaving at an immeasurable distance below, all lesser, grovelling, personal interests and feelings, animates and prompts to deeds of self-sacrifice, of valor, of devotion, and of death itself—THAT IS PUBLIC VIRTUE THAT IS THE NOBLEST, THE SUBLIMEST OF ALL PUBLIC VIRTUES."

It is manifest, that the passages above cited, were not designed as a disquisition on the virtue of patriotism. The speech, of which they are extracts, was extemporaneous, in reply to Mr. Rives, who had just sat down. It was indeed an impromptu. Mr. Clay had not intended to answer Mr. Rives, even to the close of his speech, and of course had taken no notes, and digested no plan. It was not till a senator at his elbow had prompted him to reply, that he suddenly rose to do it. It was, therefore,

without one syllable of preparation, that he uttered those burning thoughts, which can never be read without a deep and profound sympathy. The effect on the senate and spectators, was electrical, thrilling.

Notwithstanding this want of forethought, who, even with time and pains, in an oration or with the pen, could have presented this virtue in a clearer, stronger, or more impressive point of view? The words marked, at the end of the first and second passages, were not intended as a definition. Yet, who could have given a better one, in a rhetorical form? Nothing but a distinct. perception, apparently nothing but a deep and heartfelt sympathy with this pure and exalted sentiment, could have qualified the speaker, without premeditation, to describe it with such surpassing eloquence.

Mr. Clay, on this occasion, had been treated, as he thought, unfairly. Certainly there had been no small provocation for severity on his part toward Mr. Tyler. One of the great and leading measures of the whig party, in the first (an extra) session of the twenty-seventh Congress, convoked by proclamation of the patriot Harrison-a measure which had been more distinctly recog nised in that call, than any other, as claiming the earliest attention of the new administration, for which the extra session was chiefly summoned-had been vetoed by Mr. Tyler, notwithstanding great pains had been taken, in the organic form of the law, to adapt it to his alleged scruples. It was in fact understood, that Mr. Tyler, had agreed to give it the required official sanction. Oppressed ith this disappointment, and laboring under the weight of a longprotracted sympathy for a country suffering inconceivable evils under a deranged and bad currency, and the bad management of its financial affairs, Mr. Clay rose in the senate, and with the utmost forbearance toward the acting-president, reviewed his vetomessage, and respectfully defended both houses of Congress against its unjust imputations. Mr. Rives, either from having presumed that Mr. Clay would handle Mr. Tyler roughly, and from having previously arranged his reply accordingly, without being able to adapt it—or, being resolved to show fight, without a fit occasion, said things which were not correct, and perverted Mr. Clay's speech. "The senator," said Mr. Clay, "begins with saying, that I charge the president with perfidy.'' After Mr. Clay had risen, and begun to speak of this and other imputations, VOL. I.-10

equally incorrect, he kindled into warmth, and acquitted himself in a manner, which was pronounced, even by some of his political opponents, to be one of his happiest efforts. He certainly did fall rather heavily on the acting-president in this rejoinder, as will have been seen in the passages above quoted-not that he inended, that his contrast to a patriot should be applied in that diection. But the application was unavoidable. It would be singular, if this accidental description of the virtue of patriotism and its opposite vice, should in this way present to the world at most striking example of each-the speaker for one and a chief magistrate of the United States for the other. Nothing, it is supposed, was more remote from the design of the speaker himself at the time, than that such an application should be made in either

case.

"That patriotism, which, catching its inspirations from the immortal God, and leaving at an immeasurable distance below, all lesser, grovelling, personal interests and feelings, animates and prompts to deeds of self-sacrifice, of valor, of devotion, and of death itself—THAT IS PUBLIC VIRTUE."

Furnished by such authority with this definition, it is proposed to see how it applies to the author himself—a high and stern test, as can not be denied.

It has sometimes, and with much reason, been remarked, that Providence raises up men for all great public exigences, and endows them with the required powers. It has also been remarked, with not less reason, that such exigences seem to demand a lead ing mind. Probably not a single individual in the wide world, competently informed, would challenge the applicability of this theory of Divine providence, to the history of the immortal Washington. The admirable adaptation of his character to the positions he occupied, and of his powers to the tasks imposed upon him, showing him not less endowed with faculties for heroic deeds, than with virtue to demean himself modestly after the most brilliant successes in the field, and in the chair of state, would furnish a difficult problem for one who has no faith in the beneficent arrangements of the Deity.

The achievement of American Independence, and the erection of the machinery of the American government, were accomplished by a class of distinguished men, fitted for the time and the work. But the organic structure was a mere skeleton of the body politic.

Time alone could make the body perfect in all its parts, and healthful in the performance of its various functions. Political society after the revolution was a chaos. But the materials of a magnificent and beautiful creation were there; they gradually came to their places by the supervising intelligence that had ordered them; day and night came and went in regular succession; the stars found their places, and each constellation was grouped; and the earth began to bring forth her fruit in due season. Nevertheless, it was a young creation, and being the work of man, it had its imperfections, admirable though it was. The great defect was the want of a national policy, domestic and foreign, commercial and financial, adapted to the position of the United States among the family of nations, and to its moral and physical capabilities. The nation struggled along for an age, under great disadvantages, arising from this cause. First, the articles of confederation were doomed to a failure, by an experimental demonstration of their incompetency, under an accumulating public debt, and the prospect. of national bankruptcy. The adoption of the federal constitution, and the establishment of the first bank of the United States, put the country in a new position, with cheering prospects. One of the professed and grand objects of this new organization of the government being to protect and foster American labor, this policy was immediately carried into effect by the first act of the first Congress, in the imposition of duties on imports, discriminating as far as possible for protection, but not without regard to a revenue commensurate with the expenses of government, and the prospective

mands of the public debt. But the common notions of a TARIFF at that period, were most unripe. The nation was in its infancy, and without experience in political economy. A system of internal improvements, to promote and facilitate domestic commerce and intercourse among the states and territories, was scarcely thought of. The powers and capabilities of the country were in a state of comparative inaction, not less in regard to the application of the most productive means of national wealth, than of individual enterprise. A system of national political economy, broad, comprehensive, creative, and active, competent to evoke the energies of the people, and to employ labor with the greatest profit, was yet in embryo. The country was a giant infant, fast growing up to full powers, without knowing how to employ them for the best results, and without the means of employment for that end. Indeed, the necessities of the country, for want of a system of national pol