copying none of the old or more modern masters. has been rather near somebody's lips. The miss may have missed the kiss, however, in her haste to rise to her feet-he looks startled, she saucy. "Better luck, next time!" His style is peculiarly his own, and his statuettes are to be found in every city, town and village in our land. The common people understand, admire, and, when they can command a sufficient sum, purchase one or more of his little groups. Though not classic, and boasting no special excellence as works of art, the "Rogers Groups" are popular beyond all precedent, and they deserve their popularity, for they are genuine works of art; their very simplicity is beauty; their commonplace, homely aspect wins one's heart, while a grand and classic statue better satisfies the critic's eye and mind. The homely little groups are not lacking in artistic merit. Of course they cannot be ranked with Powers's sublime creations or the other masterpieces of the plastic art, but some of them are faultless in design and execution, while there is not one of them that can be condemned as unworthy of a good man and excellent artist. I have taken up so much of my space, that I cannot give a full notice of the groups shown in the accompanying engravings; but fortunately they require no extended comments. The first three of these tell the old story of love and courtship. "The Tap at the Window" portrays an annoying episode in courtship which some of my readers have experienced and others doubtless will-the delightful interchange of appropriate "talk" has been provokingly interrupted-perhaps the question is awaiting answer; indeed, I should not wonder if the hand now apparently seeking to hide itself "The Parting Promise," accompanied with the pledge of engagement, which the other is slipping upon the finger of the one, is no doubt faithfully kept by both the party of the second part and the party of the first, or we should not behold them "Coming to the Parson." The two life-like pictures on this page do not necessarily belong to the foregoing series, and yet they might. The young couple settle in the country, are happy for awhile, until "business" calls the young husband to the city, and his letters are the young wife's only solace in her loneliness; she goes to the "Country Post-office"-the old. cobbler postmaster is provokingly slow in deciphering her name, which she needs not to see to assure her from whom and to whom the letter has come. The husband's "business" calls to the city are far too frequent-his ways not steady -his fondness for the social glass has developed into habits of intemperance; all goes wrong-his farm to ruin and to his creditors-himself to the THE COSMOPOLITAN REPUBLIC. BY THE HON. CARL SCHURZ. Look back with me about four centuries. The dark period of the middle ages is drawing near its close. The accidental explosion of that mysterious black powder, discovered by an obscure German monk, is the first flash of lightning preluding that gigantic thunder-storm which is to shatter the edifice of feudal society. The invention of gunpowder strips the feudal lord of his prestige as a warrior; another discovery is to strip him of his prestige as a man. Guttenberg, another obscure German, invents the printing press, and as gunpowder blows the castles of the small feudal tyrants into the air, so the formidable artillery of printed letters batters down the citadels of ignorance and superstition. Soul and body take up arms and prepare themselves for the great battle of the Reformation. Now the volcano of the German mind bursts the crust of indolence which had covered it. Luther's triumphant thunder rattles against the See of Rome. The world is ablaze, all the elements of society are rising up in commotion-two ages are battling against each other. The grand but fearful struggle of the Reformation plunges all Europe into endless confusion. The very wheel of progress seems to grind and crush one generation after another. The ideas which concerned the highest and most sacred relations of humanity, seem to call into their service the basest and most violent passions of the human heart, and in all Europe the war of great principles degenerates into war of general devastation. But, meanwhile, a new country has opened its boundless fields to those great ideas, for the realization of which the old world seems not wide enough. It is as though the earth herself had taken part in the general revolution, and had thrown from her sea-covered womb a new ground for the development of the spirit of the new era. Not only the invention of gunpowder and of the printing-press, but also the discovery of America, inaugurate the new era. The student of history cannot fail to notice that, when new periods of civilization break upon humanity, the peoples of the earth cannot maintain their national relations. carried out by new nations. New ideas must be From time to time, From time to time, violent, irresistible hurricanes sweep over the world, bearing the most different elements of the human family together, which by mingling reinvigorate each other, and the general confusion then becomes the starting-point of the new period of progress. Nations which have long subsisted upon their own resources, gradually lose ther vigor, and die the death of decrepitude. But mankind becomes young again by race crossing race and mind penetrating mind. The oldest traditions of history speak of great revulsions and general migrations, and, if we cou.d but lift the veil which covers the remotest history of Asiatic tribes, we should discover the first scenes and acts of the drama of which the downll of the Roman Empire was the denouement. When that empire had exhausted its natural vitality, the dark forests of the North poured forth a barbarous but vigorous multitude who trampled into ruins the effete civilization of the Roman World, but infused new blood into the veins of old Europe, grasping the great ideas of Christianity with a bloody but firm hand-and a new period of progress sprang out of the seeming devastation. The German element took the helm of history. In the course of time, the development of things arrived at a new turning point. The spirit of individualism took possession of the heart of civilized humanity, and the reformatory movement of the sixteenth century was its expression. Centinental Europe, however, appeared unable to incorporate the new and progressive ideas, growing out of that spirit, into organic political institutions. While the heart of Europe was ravaged by a series of religious wars, the Anglo-Saxons of Erg land partially effected what other nations seemed incapable to accomplish; but they also clung to fast to the traditions of past centuries, they failed to separate the Church from the State, and di not realize the cosmopolitan tendency of the new principle. Then the time of a new migration was at hand, and that migration rolled its waves towards America. The old process repeated itself under new forms, milder and more congenial to the humane ideas it represented. It is now not a barbarous multitude pouncing upon old and decay. ing empires-not a violent concussion of tribes accompanied by all the horrors of general destruction, but we see the vigorous elements of all nations, the Anglo-Saxon, the German, the Celt, the Frenchman, the Scandinavian, the Scot, the Hollander, the Spaniard, the Italian-all congregating and commingling on virgin soil, where the woodsman's hatchet is the only battle axe; led by the irresistible attraction of free and broad principles commencing a new era in the history of the world, without first destroying the results of the progress of past periods-founding a new cosmopolitan nation without marching over the dead bodies of slain millions. Thus was founded the great colony of free humanity, which has not old England, but the World, for its mother-country. They must enter the great family of nations as an independent member; and in the colony of free humanity, whose mother-country is the world, they established the COSMOPOLITAN REPUBLIC of equal rights, where manhood is the title to citizenship! We hear of the greatness of the Roman Republic. The greatness of the Roman Republic consisted in its despotic rule over the world-the greatness of the American Republic consists in the secured right of man to govern himself. The dignity of the Roman Citizen consisted in his exclusive privileges-the dignity of the American Citizen consists in his holding the natural rights of his neighbor just as sacred as his own. The Roman Republic recognized and protected the rights of the citizen, at the same time disregarding and leaving unprotected the rights of man; Roman citizenship was based upon monopoly, not upon the claims of human nature. What the citizen of Rome claimed for himself, he did not respect in others; his own greatness was his sole object—his liberty, as he regarded it, gave him the privilege to oppress his fellow-beings. His democracy, instead of elevating mankind to its own level, trampled the rights of man into the dust. The security of the Roman Republic, therefore, con The Anglo-Saxon may justly be proud of the growth and development of this Western nation, and if he ascribe the most of the credit to the undaunted spirit of his race, we may not accuse him of over-weening self-glorification. The AngloSaxon possesses, in an eminent degree, the talent of acting while others only think-of promptly executing his own ideas, and of applying the ideas of other people to his own purposes. There is, perhaps, no other race that, at so early a day,sisted in the power of the sword-the security of could have formed the stern democracy of the Plymouth settlement-no other race that could have so victoriously defied the trials and hardships of the original settler's life. No other race, perhaps, possesses, in so high a degree, the daring spirit of independent enterprise, and at the same time the stubborn steadfastness necessary to the final achievement of great designs. The AngloSaxon spirit has been the locomotive of progress; but the locomotive would have been of little use to the world, had it refused to draw its train over the iron highway carrying its valuable freight towards its destination-that train comprised the vigorous elements of all nations, that freight was the vital ideas of our age, that destination the universal freedom and the ideal development of man. Such, the true greatness of the Anglo-Saxon race, ought to be the source of Anglo-Saxon pride. Thus, I have said, was founded the colony of free humanity on virgin soil. The young, vigorous elements which constitute the people of the new world, cannot long submit to rule not of their own making-they must throw off the fetters which bind them to an old decrepit order of things. the American Republic rests in the equality of human right! The Roman Republic perished by the sword-the American Republic will stand as long as the equality of human rights remains inviolate. I wish the words of the Declaration of Independence, that "all men are created free and equal, and are endowed with certain inalienable rights," were inscribed upon every gate-post within the limits of this Republic. From this principle the Revolutionary Fathers derived their claim to independence-upon this they founded the institutions of this country, and the whole structure was to be the living incarnation of this idea. This principle contains the programme of our political existence. It is at once the most progressive and the most conservative one-the most progressive, for it takes even the lowliest members of the human family out of their degradation, and inspires them with. the elevating consciousness of equal human dignity, the ennobling privileges and responsibilities of citizenship; the most conservative, for it makes a common cause of individual rights. From the equality of rights springs the identity of our highest interests; we cannot subvert our neighbor's rights without striking a dangerous blow at our Own. And when the rights of one cannot be infringed without finding a ready defence in all others, who defend their own rights in defending his, then, and only then, are the rights of all safe. This general identity of interests is the only thing that can guarantee the stability of democratic institutions. Equality of rights, embodied in general self-government, is the great moral. element of true democracy; it is the only reliable safety-valve in the machinery of modern society. Here is the solid foundation of our system of government; here our mission; here our greatness; here our safety-here, and nowhere else! This is true Americanism: We cannot deny one class the full measure of their natural rights, without imposing restraints upon our own liberty. If we would be free, there is but one way: it is to guarantee an equally full measure of liberty to all our neighbors! True, there are difficulties connected with an organization of society founded upon the basis of equal rights. Nobody denies it. A large number of those who come from foreign lands are not as capable of taking part in the administration of government as the men who were fortunate enough to drink the milk of liberty in their cradles. And certain religious denominations do nourish principles which are not in accordance with the doctrines of true democracy. There is a conglomeration on this continent of heterogeneous elements—a warfare of clashing interests and unruly aspirations; and with all this, our democratic system gives rights to the ignorant and power to the inexperienced. The billows of passion will lash the sides of the ship, and the storms of party warfare will bend its masts, but the genius of true democracy will rebuke the winds and the raging of the sea. True democracy bears within itself the antidote for all the difficulties that can grow out of it! It is an old pretence of despotism throughout the world, that the people who are not experienced in self-government are not fitted for the exercise of self-government, and must first be educated under the rule of superior intelligence; at the same time those who make this pretence deny the inexperienced all opportunity to acquire experience. To this treacherous sophistry the Fathers of this Republic opposed the noble doc trine that liberty is the best school for liberty that self-government cannot be learned but by practicing it. This is true Americanism. There is a wonderful vitality in true democracy founded upon the equal rights of man. There is an inexhaustible power of resistance and selfprotection in that system of government which makes the protection of individual rights a matter of common interest. If preserved in its purity, there is no warfare of opinions which can endanger it-no conspiracy of despotic aspirations that can destroy it-no foreign hierarchy or domestic uncongenial organization that can in the slightest degree impair or imperil it! All this is true only in so far as true democracy is maintained in its purity! But lower the standard of its purity by the slightest encroachments upon individual rights or the rights of a class, and there are then dangers which only blindness cannot see, and only party prejudice will not see. The most frequent departures from the principle of equal rights for all, arise from the propensity of men to lose sight of fundamental principles when passing abuses call for correction. It is wonderful how nations who have won their liberty by the severest struggles, so easily become impatient of the small inconveniences and passing difficulties which are almost inseparably connected with the practical working of general self-government! How easily they forget that rights may be abused and remain none the less inalienable rights! Europe has witnessed many an attempt for the establishment of democratic institutions-some of them at first successful; but the abuses and inconveniences incident to liberty have become at once apparent; then the ruling classes, in order to get rid of the abuses, have restricted libertythus they have, indeed, gotten rid of the abuses, but they have gotten rid of liberty at the same time. For instance, have we not heard of liberal governments protecting and regulating the liberty of the press? and to prevent that liberty from being abused, have they not adopted measures which, apparently harmless at first, have ultimately resulted in absolute censorship? Of all the dangers and difficulties, however, that beset and imperil democratic institutions, there is none more appalling and dangerous than the hideous monster whose name is "Proscription for opinions' sake." Whether the opinions which induce proscription be political or religious or otherwise, the danger to the Republic of such proscription is equally serious; but men in general We hate kingcraft, and would sacrifice our fortunes and our lives to prevent its establishment on the soil of this Republic. But the rule of a party which sacrifices principle to expediency is no less dangerous, no less disastrous, no less subversive of true American democracy than the most absolute monarchism. Force instead of right, privilege instead of equality, expediency instead of principle-these are perils against which we must be sleeplessly alert. Once let force, privilege, and expediency triumph over and supplant right, equality, and principle, as the leading motives of our policy, and we shall have no power to stem the current, when new abuses arise to be corrected, new inconveniences to be remedied, new dangers to be averted or obviated, new ends to be subserved. Each encroachment upon the rights of our opponents now, will become a precedent for encroachments upon our rights at some time in the future. Once knowingly disregard or trample upon the fundamental principle of equal rights, and we cannot appeal to it for the protection of our rights. when our opponents hold the helm of the ship of state. The American who consents to or abets a violation of the fundamental principle of the Republic to attain a certain present end, may find himself in the plight of the sorcerer, who, having made a giant snake lost the charm which would protect him from its power, and was strangled in the horrid coils of the monster of his own creation. "Liberty and equal rights, common to all as the air of heaven-liberty and equal rights to all men, now and forever, one and inseparable!" This is the watchword of our COSMOPOLITAN REPUBLIC. This watchword embraces its principles, and its principles are its policy. This watchword emblazoned upon its banner, has rallied around that banner a noble army of devoted defenders-natives of the soil, white and black, Englishmen, Irishmen, Germans, Scandinavians, Scotchmen, Frenchmen, Spaniards, and natives of every land and clime, all with one heart and one purpose, happy in the privilege of upholding such a banner. Under this banner all the languages of civilized mankind are spoken, every creed is protected, every right is held sacred. With this banner we stand before the world; with this banner still dauntlessly upheld, defended, maintained without spot or blemish, without rent or patch, one century passed, another begins, and, while time rolls on until it is lost in eternity, the pride and glory of its myriads of native-born and naturalized citizens, still shall stand THE COSMOPOLITAN REPUBLIC! |