where they lodged," though I do not recollect it, I adinit in its fullest extent. Because for some time after Congress returned to Philadelphia the office was kept in a room of the honble doct Shippen's house. Mr B P. Smith and M' Edison attended the office and in the evening one or other of them locked up the room and kept the key and for some time I did not know where they lodged. The mentioning these circumstances which were true, to Mr Young when frequently sent, as is charged, for attested copies of resolves proves that I was not accustomed to give short answers, and that I was willing to stand excused to the president for not instantly complying with his request, as I was wont to do, when the office was kept in the house where I lived. That my answers were given " abruptly and unmannerly' I must take leave with all deference to Mr Young's opinion, to deny. I think I might safely rest it with Mr Young to testify, whether on all occasions, as well when he was clerk in the secretary's office, as afterward, when secretary to the president of Congress, I did not treat him with politeness and respect. I cannot say that I shewed the same marks of personal attention to Mr Custer. I treated him with the civility due to Mr Lauren's' servant. I did not ask him to sit down and enter into conversation with him, but dispatched the business on which he came and sent him back with it or with an answer to the message he brought as speedily as possible, which I thought was shewing the greater respect to his master. And even after I understood that he was employed in the office of secretary as well as coachman, steward and butler to the president of Congress and entrusted with their most secret dispatches, I could not readily accommodate myself to the principles of despotic monarchies, where the favour of the prince ensures honor and his pleasures levels all distinctions. As to the affair of the fishery bill the circumstances as I remember are as follow. That morning being afflicted with a nervous headach, I went into the office before Congress met and was sitting, my head reclined on my hands, when M' Laurens came in and asked for the bill. Mr Bond gave him a bundle of acts and bills. He took out the one he wanted and having written something on a piece of paper delivered it across the Desk to M Bond, then took up the bill which he had taken out of the bundle and was about to withdraw. As there had been just before a charge in the newspapers, that some papers which had been deposited in the office were missing, and an insinuation, that they were removed or secreted for sinister purposes, I had given strict charge to the young gentlemen, the clerks in the office to observe, in delivering out papers, the orders of Congress, which were hatt no paper should be delivered out, without leave first obtained from Congress and then leaving a receipt for the same. Lest the present might serve as a precedent for the young gentlemen to dispense with the strict line of rule, I rose and went to the desk and finding as I suspected that the paper. which the honorable member had delivered to Mr Bond was a receipt, I told M' Laurens, that was not sufficient: that previous to a members taking a paper out of the office the order of Congress was that leave be obtained of the house and then a receipt given. When he doubted there there being such a rule or order of Congress, I called for the journal and pointed it out to him. He then endeavoured to distinguish between that he had taken and an office paper and mentioned that there was a duplicate in the office. But as I could not see the distinction and was not satisfied that there being duplicates would warrant me in dispensing with the rule and delivering out one of them, I told him I could not consent. He then said he would speak to the president and afterward, that he would take the consequences, and walked towards the door. But turned and asked if he might not have a copy, I replied yes, every mem ber has a right to a copy of every paper he pleases to demand, unless there is a special order to the contrary. Afterwards he sat down, made as I suppose an extract, called for his receipt, left the bill & withdrew. I had returned to the table and sat down, being in great pain. When he had got as far as the door, he returned towards me and with a formal bow thanked me for my politeness with a view as I supposed to provoke a reply. However I only returnnd the bow and kept silence. These are the circumstances as near as I can recollect. M' Bond and M' Edison were both in the office at the time and may if necessary be examined. What epithet the committeee will be pleased to affix to this conduct I must submit to their judgment. As to the information that “since that time I have suffered papers to be taken even out of the secret depository and carried away with out the permission of Congress." I can only say that I never refused any member the free liberty of taking, without permission asked of Congress or receipt given, any paper he asked for down into the Congress room or into the chamber adjoining and there reading or making extracts as he pleased till the adjournment, at which time I expected the paper would be returned. I will also confess that at the adjournment several members have through inadvertence or not attending to the rule carried papers away, for which I have expressed uneasiness & dissatisfaction; but that I have knowingly and designedly violated the rule will rest with him to prove. As to the late unhappy affair, which constitutes the last charge, I solemnly declare I had not the most distant thought or intention of giving the honorable member or any other the least offence. I had frequently heard Mr Lovell who has had a principal direction and management in printing the weekly journals and ordering the distribution, for as to myself I never before took any concern in the matter as I did not consider it any part of my business, I say I had frequently heard him mention that there was only one for each member printed upon a fine paper and brought into Congress-that if any member wanted to send copies to their state they might be supplied with others printed on a common paper. I had heard him likewise complain that by some members taking more than one of those brought to Congress others were deprived and by that means their setts were broken and if they had a mind to have them at the end of the year bound into a volumn, they must supply the deficiency with those on common paper which would disfigure the volumn. For this reason when I took up the bundle, as M' Lovell was absent, I determined to oblige all and as I imagined offend none by delivering each member one. Accordingly I opened the bundle and as there were several members at the table I distinguished M' Laurens by delivering him one first. When he asked for another, I desired him to stay till I had delivered one to each member. When he repeated his demand, he did it in a tone and manner, that I confess gave me offence, and at the instant determined me to pursue the resolution I had first taken. When he persisted and seized the bundle in my left hand and endeavouring to take it by force, I wrenched it from him. But afterward, when he used abusive language and threatened to kick me, I felt my indignation kindled to that degree, that I am glad, I had so far the command of myself as only to put myself in an attitude of defence and say "you dare not." I have now lived fifty years, and this is the first time I ever received such an insult. After I had gone round the room and delivered one to each member present, he came up and asked for another which I then gave him out of the few that remained. However the event shewed that I was right in my first conjecture that there was not more than one for each member attending; For as I continued to distribute to the members as they came in I found that Mr McKean had the last and that there was not one left for Mr Matthews. Upon the whole, gentlemen, I submit myself to your judgment and am with the sincerest respect, Gentlemen Your obedient and most humble serv* Chathomson Monday Sept. 6. 1779. It In attempting to form an opinion of the causes of this controversy, we must bear in mind that both the parties were gentlemen of high standing, and steadfast patriots throughout the war. seems that they had been perfectly friendly until Mr. Laurens's elevation to the Presidency, and that very soon thereafter began the estrangement which culminated in this written war; we infer from this that Mr. Laurens had a full share of that arbitrary, super-authoritative manner which so often characterizes Southern gentlemen of recognized ability.' He doubtless betrayed this, inadvertently it may be, in his intercourse as President with the Secretary, and thus challenged the latter's sensitive dignity to resent the apparent affront. As to the action of the Congress in the premises, may we not surmise that, recognizing the intrinsic worth of both parties and comprehending the merits of the dispute as well, they sought to reconcile them and to allay the mutual irritation ? Whether such was the course of Congress, and whether successful or not, we cannot know, as the whole matter was wisely excluded from the Journal-to publish it at that time could serve no good purpose, and might bring reproach on the cause which was supposed to engross the minds and hearts of all true men in and out of the Congress. An inference which appears to derive support from the fact that, in the case of Mr. Laurens, the Congress failed to tender the thanks it was wont to tender upon the retirement of a President. LAFAYETTE-THE NATURE OF HIS RELATIONS TO AMERICA. THE American of to-day who reads of the Revolutionary period of his country cannot but marvel that in the midst of those most trying times there could have been Americans who actually sympathized with and actively sustained and assisted their country's oppressors. We can view the tories of the Revolution only with contempt and loathing. But how different, how intensely the opposite, is the sentiment of our hearts when we read of the noble-hearted foreigners whose love of the cause of popular liberty was so strong as to induce them to leave their native climes, their homes and their kindred and friends, and to come over and help our patriot ancestors in achieving the independence of the American States. The true-hearted American of to-day cannot but regard with fervent gratitude and ardent affection the memory of Kosciuszko, of Pulaski, of De Kalb, of Steuben; but that gratitude becomes yet more fervent, that affection becomes love, as we contemplate the Marquis de Lafayette. The representative of a noble French family, an idol of French society, a favorite of the French court, with ample wealth and every inducement to remain at home and enjoy the comforts, the luxuries, the joys, the pleasures of life in the The Rew Resolution in which the Fair and of Philadelphia Share Saten the Admiany Ones Ladies Wha out of the Continent Cannot Participate in this Am induced to Jest for those American Being Matristic Measur Mahistic know of one. Who heartly A Personal Acquaintance with the Ladies of Amenis Mould Fat pustentally hoping Wishing for highest circles of his native France-above and the warm opposition of his kindred, the positive beyond all else, with a charming, sweet young wife to bind him to his home with the ties of holy happy love-his devotion to the cause of mankind the cause of human freedom, the cause of true liberty, was the sole inducement, the sole impelling motive to offer his services to the American patriots; so enthusiastic was that devotion that interdict of his sovereign, nay, even the dissuasion of America's representative in France, could not damp his ardor, could not check his zeal, could not shake his resolution. He loved the great principles for which the American patriots were fighting, and he was immovable in his determination to attest that love by enlisting his sword in |