1777, when he resigned that charge, because he had been elected one of the Senators in the Senate of Maryland for the Eastern Shore. He served in this department of the State government until 1781, when he was again chosen Senator by the Electoral College of Maryland, but he resigned before his term had expired.

Matthew Tilghman's whole life was one long, continuous course of indefatigable labor and incessant work for the benefit of the State of Maryland, and of the Union.

He was indeed the Patriarch of Maryland, and the leading spirit in all those measures which accomplished the formation of the State and the Nation, and this among such patriots and statesmen as Samuel Chase, Thomas Johnson, Jr., Charles Carroll, barrister, Charles Carroll of Car rollton, William Paca, Thomas Stone, and a host of others, whose brilliant minds gave lustre to the history of Maryland.

This great man died suddenly, on the 4th of May, 1790, in consequence of a stroke of paralysis. The following notice of his death appeared in the Maryland Journal, under date of May 18th, 1790:

"Died suddenly, the 4th inst., at his seat in Talbot County, Matthew Tilghman, Esq., in the 73d year of his age. In private life, he possessed and practiced those virtues which distinguish the good citizen, and constitute the amiable character of a good Christian; he was truly an affectionate husband and tender parent, a kind and attentive master, and a most benevolent and good neighbour. In his publick sphere, he stood high in the confidence of his country, and until age and infirmities pleaded for retirement, his life might be said to have been one continued scene of labour and usefulness in its service, while he was ever considered as one of the firmest and most zealous advocates of civil and religious liberty."

Matthew Tilghman left four children, Richard, of Smith's Forest, in Queen Anne's County; Lloyd, who inherited the homestead of his father; Margaret, who was married to Charles Carroll, barrister, of Mount Clare, the same gentleman who is mentioned as a member of the Maryland Conventions

and Maryland delegations; and Anna Maria, who was married to Colonel Tench Tilghman, the aid-de-camp and confidential secretary to General Washington.

The Hermitage was in possession of men of the name of Richard Tilghman during four generations, descending from father to son. The last of them died in 1810. He had an only son, Richard, who died before his father, as a bachelor, at the age of about forty years. His father then devised his estate to his nephew, Richard Cooke, with the request that he would take the name of Tilghman for his own. Richard Cooke complied with this request. The Hermitage, at present, is in the possession of Colonel Richard Cooke Tilghman, a son of the latter. This Colonel Richard Cooke Tilghman graduated at the Military Academy of the United States, the second in a class of thirty-three graduates, in July, 1828. He was promoted to Brevet Second Lieutenant of Artillery in the United States Army. He performed military service for about eight years, during which time he served on staff duty in the Eastern department, in garrison, under orders of the Engineer department, on the construction of the National Road through the new State of Ohio, and as an Adjutant in the First Regiment of Artillery. He resigned his commission, March 31st,

1836.

He then served, as a Civil Engineer, the State of Maryland from 1836 to 1837; the United States from 1837 to 1846. He surveyed sites for fortifications on Lake Champlain; located and built roads in the Indian Reservation in Iowa Territory; and made reconnoissances of the approaches to the city of New Orleans, and superintended the harbor improvements at the Lakes Erie and Michigan.

Since 1846 he has lived at the Hermitage, and has turned his attention to agriculture; he has been, however, called away from the duties of agricultural occupation to serve his State several times.

He was elected Judge of the Orphans' Court for the county of his residence in 1871, and the Governor of Maryland appointed him Chief Judge of that Court.

Heloise of the eighteenth century.” Such were the leaders of the Gironde.

Cultured, humane, and personally brave. Are these the qualities which fit men to act great parts in times of revolutionary turmoil? Their culture as the nursery of useless theories led them into irretrievable ruin. Their humanity availed not for others, nor did their personal bravery answer for themselves. The representative bodies successively in power during the different periods of the French revolution were three in number: The National Assembly, the Legislative Assembly, and the National Convention. The first attacked the the king in his prerogatives, the second deprived him of them, the third took away his life.

In the National Assembly, which adopted the Constitution of '91, the Girondists were present, though not as yet recognized by their distinctive party names, owing to the absence of the great men from Gironde, who afterward gave character to the organization.

For

In the deliberations of the Legislative Assembly and of the National Convention, they had numerically a controlling influence. The Constitution of '91 had been in part the work of their hands. They afterwards abolished that instrument. this act they have been both justified and condemned. Their proceedings in the matter were contrary, but not inconsistent. The motives which influenced them originated in both cases, in the same source. Under the king they beheld the dominion of the nobility, the oppression of the priesthood, and the subjection of the people. They saw that to bring prosperity to France, the crown must be weakened, religious intolerance suppressed, and the rights of the subject vindicated. But after the adoption of the constitution, two new embarrassments unexpectedly arose, for which they had provided no remedy. A furious party from the dregs of the people was gradually working itself into power. It acknowledged no law but that of license. Under the king, the state alone had been oppressed. In this new faction of the Sections, the Girondists beheld not only the destruction of the state, but the subversion of society. From different quarters foreign armies were advancing on the capital.

They were said to be in league with the king. Their object was to restore him to absolute power.

preserve liberty. To constitute the legislative assembly supreme, in order to preserve society. Such then were their immediate motives. Up to this point, they seem discreet. Their legislation appears effectual and provident. From the arrest of the king dates the period of their decline. Their policy now changes. Possessing a majority in the only recognized legislative body in the land having the coöperation of the better classes of society in the capital, supported with enthusiasm by the Provinces, they might have restored peace to France, and might have established upon a sure basis, a firm yet equitable government. All this they might have done, yet failed to do. let us not, as do some, withhold from them the credit of having any fixed policy, or any settled convictions. They possessed both. Their error for the first part, consisted in adhering to such policy, contrary to the manifest requirements of present exigencies; their error for the second part, lay in not adhering to these convictions, when confronted with the necessity of immediate action.

The first mistake led to the destruction of their influence as a party; the second to the destruction of themselves. The chief aim of the Girondists seems to have been to found a republic upon certain abstract principles, which are wholly inapplicable to the present constitution of society.

"Universal Reason," said Brissot, "is the only basis of Liberty." "Liberty," said Madame Roland, "is for great souls, not for weak minds." "The soil," said Vergniaud, "is too weak to nourish the roots of civic liberty. This people is too childish to wield its laws without hurting itself. . . We deemed ourselves at Rome and we were at Paris." Thus instead of endeavoring to make laws in accordance with the capacities and character of the people, the Girondists sought to raise the people to an appreciation of their own ideal standard of laws. In this consisted their supreme error. They legislated for France upon the principles of moral science. They overlooked the actual, and thought only of what ought to be. Of books they knew much; of men, little. Versed in argument and trained in dialectic subtleties, they yet lacked the prime essential for successful rulership, a comprehensive knowledge of the wants and desires of the common people. Eloquence and invective may excite revolt, but, unless allied

with sound judgment and practical wisdom, they cannot control its movements, nor create from its elements the nucleus of a free and purified State. Incapable of understanding the people, the Girondists themselves were misunderstood. When they dilated of virtue, they were called hypocrites. When they quoted the ancients, they were ridiculed as pedants, and when they pleaded for the lives of their fellow-citizens, they were denounced as aristocrats. Their notions were viewed as chimerical, and their efforts as pointless and vain.

But it cannot be concealed that the policy of the Girondists failed not more through its inherent unfitness, than in consequence of the character of its advocates. From the very beginning of the struggle in the Legislative Assembly in which they first appear as the Girondist party, irresolution and supineness inark their conduct. Their manifest aim at that period was to save the king, and while stripping him of the few prerogatives which under the Constitution of '91 he yet possessed, to hold him subject to the will of their party. Such was their scheme. Confused by the clamors of the minority, they accuse the king of capital crimes intending not to convict him; they then convict him that they may appeal to the people in his behalf. Indignant at the lawlessness of the Jacobin Clubs, they appoint the "Commission of Twelve," to reform abuses, and immediately pass a vote dissolving its membership. They accuse Marat of fearful crimes, and send him for trial to a tribunal of his partisans. They openly charge Robespierre with usurpation, and extend him eight days in which to make his defence. By proposing an army from the provinces, they incur the accusation of hostility to the Republic; by withdrawing the measure, they surrender all means of self-defence.

Having a majority in the National Convention, they suffer the arrest of their own members, and appeal for protection to the bludgeons of their enemies. Received with disdain, they return to the hall of legislation, not as representatives to vindicate the majesty of the law, but as refugees seeking the protection of the altars. Thus they fall.

they were correct. They maintained the equality of all men before the law; the supremacy of reas over force, and the sacredness of conscience and of human life.

It were as vain to question the abstract correctness of these principles, in the world of pure politics and morality, as to deny the soundness of of Newton's laws in the world of pure mathematics.

Both are generalizations, and as such inapplica ble to the affairs of ordinary life. To calculate with accuracy by the latter, necessitates the recognition of certain material forces, such as gravitation, inertia and intervening media; to rule society by the former requires an allowance for certain human passions, such as lawlessness, ambi tion, and avarice.

The time is approaching which will mark the prevalence of these principles throughout the wide world. Unimpaired in their sway by the presence of crime and ignorance, they will rule in the household, in the community, and in the state: forming both the basis and the framework of tit future society in which mankind shall have attained to its highest excellence.

The Jacobins sought to regenerate France br blood; the Girondists by philosophy. Both fail and both suffered at the hands of the executioner.

A universal and just sentiment has consigned the former to eternal infamy. In passing upon the merits of the latter, the world freely forgives and seeks to forget their weaknesses. It gladly recounts their virtues and remembers, with Corneille, that "Not the scaffold but the crime is that which makes the shame."'

REMARKS. To the foregoing we gladly give space as an introduction to a subject upon which we should very much like to have a number of analytic and critical papers-the subject, which we think can be discussed with advantage to American thinkers in this Centennial Era, may be styled "The Mistakes, the Faults and the Failures of Republics of the Past." Our American Republic, though an experiment in its inception, has achieved marked success, while former efforts in the direc tion of popular government were chiefly remarkable for their blundering, struggling success for a brief period and their early downfall, and it would be interesting and might be advantageous to trace the causes which have operated in the several

CHAPTER XII. THE VILLAGE PEACEMAKER. GOOD sometimes comes out of evil.

Dym derived a crumb of consolation even from Stewart's misfortune. As the quaint old proverb hath it, "It is an ill wind that blows no one any good."

"I shall see Honor again," was her first waking thought the nebt morning, as see puzzled out a labyrinth of dreams to find a fresh September wind blowing over the sunny terraces, and "the last rose of summer' tapping softly against her window pane.

That evening at Nidderdale Cottage seemed full of far-off sweetness in the retrospect-a confusion of lilies, moonlight, and low-toned talk. Some "long drawn-out chord of sympathy" never ceased to vibrate strangely in the girl's heart at the mere mention of Honor's name. Sometimes a chance speech from the squire or a trick of his voice brought her vividly before her. The odd abruptness, the undercurrent of deep feeling, the slow vein of mingled thought and satire, now dreamy, now breaking into full current of speechall returned again and again to Dym's memory.. Her interest had been strongly excited-to tell the truth, she was secretly wearying to see Miss Nethecote's face again.

But since the village flower-show they had never met. Twice a day on Sundays Dym had caught sight of a pure Greek profile and gray-silk dress in a little side pew appropriated to the female singers; for the vicar, in spite of his High-Church proclivities, had not yet succeeded in organising a trained choir, though report whispered that a few ploughmen and farmers' lads were being secretly drilled by the vicar and Miss Nethecote in a far-off barn, not a great distance from Nidderdale Cottage.

In default of white surplices and boy-choristers, the choir stalls remained suggestively empty, and the cantori side was distantly represented by the miller's stalwart sons, an harmonious blacksmith, and the baker's assistant, who was fictitiously supposed to have the purest bass in the village, while

the decani side responded in a variety of sweet trebles, led by Miss Nethecote's fine soprano.

Dym sat with Mrs. Chichester in the squire's pew, which commanded a good view of the chancel and vacant stalls; the squire himself preferred occupying one of the free seats near the door; he always sat on a bench in company with Dame Ford, and an old patriarch in a smock-frock, who looked about a hundred, and was only sixty-five, and toothless. Dym, feeling faint one Sunday, and sitting in the cool porch a while to recover herself, saw the patriarch, with horn spectacles on nose, looking over the squire's big book and whining out a dreary falsetto. How rich and full Guy's tones sounded by contrast !

Dym marvelled not a little over this whim of the squire's.

"Does not St. James tell us to have no respect of persons?" he returned gravely, when Dym had hazarded some inquiry as to this curious choice of seat. "Though I am a Broad Churchman, Miss Elliott, I am all for the free and open churches. There is no rank in religion, and for myself I would as soon go to heaven with the Dame and old Martin as with your titled folks."

"Is that why you sit near the door?" asked Dym, with unusual boldness, for she was curious on the subject; but the squire only turned off the question with a jest. He had met them as usual at the bottom of the steps, and had given his mother his arm; it was their custom to linger a moment and exchange greetings and little civilities with their neighbors. "Kindness is cheap; it costs nothing to pat a curly head and ask after mother, and you have no idea how popular it makes one," he said once, laughing. once, laughing. Sometimes some wee toddling mite would run out from the group of schoolchildren, and clasp the squire around the knee; if the cheeks were clean and rosy, there were kisses and halfpence as well as pats; but they always left him if they caught sight of Honor. Miss Nethecote always came out last with her brother, and the children clustered around her like bees around their queen-boys as well as girls.