The editor at first entertained some doubts of the expediency of printing them (the two letters of July 3) in their original shape. But upon considering the matter well, his determination to adhere in all cases to the text prevailed. If any injury to the reputation of Mr. Adams for prophecy should ensue, it will be greater in the form than in the substance; and will not be perhaps without compensation in the restoration of the unpublished portions."

This combined and garbled letter was, in course of time, copied by Sherman Day and by others, and came to be received as the original. Neither Mr. Day nor any one of the champions of the altered letter could have weight with well-informed critics as against Peter Force, and when Force is sustained in his date by the descendants of John Adams, who have had and have the original manuscript to appeal to I cannot see how intelligent persons cau longer hesitate in accepting the 3d as the true date.

Like all similar questions, this comes up at intervals, is discussed and decided, only to be again revived and again discussed and decided. Thus, in 1872, in The Sunday Mercury of Philadelphia, a writer under the nom de guerre of "Federal Arch" attempted to show that the letter was written on July 5th, and John Quincy Adams (son of C. F. A., who was then in Europe) being appealed to, decided that his father's statements in "The Life and Works of John Adams," and in "The Letters of John Adams, addressed to his Wife," were correct-this was a decision in favor of the 3d. Then, in the MONTHLY, as before referred to, another writer, ignoring or not knowing of the former decision of the question, got off on the 5th track. And now, within a few weeks, "John S. Morton," Esq., in the Evening Telegraph of Philadelphia, again reopened the question, reproducing the old arguments in favor of the 5th. To him a writer signing himself "F. D. S." replied, attempting to show Mr. M. wherein he was wrong. But Mr. M. would not be shown, and came out in a second communication, frankly proclaiming: My object in addressing you my communication of the 30th ult. was to correct what I then thought, and still believe, to be the error of not only Charles Francis Adams, but of many others," etc.; his arguments would not be proofs, even in the absence of the carefully preserved original with its clear date of "July 3d," and they are much less when brought in conflict with John Adams's own writing. "F. D. S." conclusively replied to Mr. M's. second, and wrote to Charles Francis Adams, sending copies of the Telegraph containing the discussion. To this he received the following reply:

F. D. S., Esq., Philadelphia. DEAR SIR:-There can be no controversy touching the dates of the letters of John Adams, which I published in the year 1841. There are two separate letters, each dated very distinctly the 3d. In a letter written by himself to Judge Thomas Dawes he says one was written in the morning, the other in the evening of the 3d. They were received by Mrs. Adams on the 13th. You will find them in substance correctly printed in Niles's Principles and Acts of the Revolution,' together with the letter to Judge Dawes, page 330. Very truly yours,

CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS."

And now, may we not hope the entire question is finally determined? that the 3d of July, 1776, was the date of the letter and that the 2d was the day John Adams expected would be commemorated as the Day of Independence. That he was mistaken in this small particular may be pardoned even by the hypercritical, when they see that he was o.herwise right. I quote the famous portion of the famous letter; it has been often in print, but it cannot be amiss to give it correctly herewith: "PHILADELPHIA, July 3d, 1776.

The day is past. The second of July, 1776, will be a memorable epoch in the history of America. I am apt to believe that it will be celebrated by succeeding generations as the great anniversary festival. It ought to be commemorated as the day of deliverance, by solemn acts of devotion to God Almighty. It ought to be solemnized with pomp, shows, games, sports, guns, bells, bonfires, and illuminations, from one end of the continent to the other, from this time forward forever. You will think me transported with enthusiasm ; but I am not. I am well aware of the toil and blood and treasure that it will cost us to maintain this Declaration, and support and defend these States. Yet through all the gloom, I can see the rays of light and glory—I can see that the end is more than worth all the means, and that posterity will triumph, although you and I may rue, which I hope we shall not," etc. AMBROSE B. CARLYLE.

American Pounds, Shillings and Pence. (MONTHLY, page 139).-Accounts in the United States were formerly kept in pounds, shillings and pence.

In the currency of New York and North Carolina, eight shillings made one dollar; in that of the New England States and Virginia, six shillings; in Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Delaware and Maryland, seven shillings and six pence, and in South Carolina and Georgia, four shillings and eight pence. A pound, in New York currency, was consequently equal to two dollars and fifty cents; in Pennsylvania currency, to two dollars and sixty cents, and in that of New England, to three dollars and thirty-three cents.

In New York, as eight shillings made one dollar, the coin of the value of twelve and a half cents, was consequently called a shilling, and that of six and a quarter cents, a sixpence. In New England currency, the same coins were respectively of the value of nine pence and four and a half pence, and were there designated by the terms "nine pence" and " four pence ha'-penny." In Pennsylvania, the larger coin was about of the value of eleven pence, and was called eleven-penny-bit," or by corruption, "a levy," and the smaller coin was called "a five penny bit," or by corruption, a "fip-ne-bit" or "fip."

These designations were used long after accounts had ceased to be kept in pounds, shillings and pence, but those of Pennsylvania are now seldom heard. J. S. F.

"The Drum."-Does I. C., MONTHLY for August, page 141, refer to the song in which this line occurs: "Now the drum beats reveillé"?

I used to hear it sung forty years ago, and know part of it and the music. I shall be happy to supply the words, if this be the song desired. DAVIES.

Spain, the Duke of Savoy, and by the Pope. From the time until about 1744 or 1745 he kept Great Britain in a state of ferment by his own efforts and those of his frie to secure the throne.

In 1745, he resigned his "rights" in favor of his -Charles Edward Stuart, styled "the Young Pretende, who entered upon the contest with great zeal, and, for: short time, his prospects of success were most flattent The enthusiasm among his adherents in Scotland tense, and the Jacobites of England were in high b pe. his march into the country had brought him to Derby, rear the centre of the kingdom, and it really seemed as if he

pire cannot but feel a measure of sympathy for him in his struggles and failures. James II. of England was VII. of Scotland, and hence it was that his son, had he succeeded in attaining the throne, would have been "James the Eighth of Scotland." His father, after his decisive defeat at the Boyne, had retired to France, and resided at Saint Germains until his death, in 1701, when the son was recognized as King of England by the King of France, the King of

THE YOUNG PRETENDER.

were to gain the coveted crown, when vacillation and m management among his adherents reversed his prospects retreat and disaster succeeded, and at Culloden the bes of the Stuarts were blasted forever. Charles conces ! himself in the Western Isles, where he is said to have b! many romantic adventures, being hunted from place to pa= by the king's troops. The beautiful and courageous Fra Macdonald proved his "friend indeed" by aiding him his need, to escape to France in September, 1746; she s ducted him disguised as Betty Burke, her female servant, 15 the Isle of Skye. She was imprisoned for a few months r the offence, but was soon released; in 1750, she mume! Alan Macdonald, son of the Laird of Kingsburgh, with whom she emigrated to America about 1774; she lived a North Carolina for a time and subsequently returned to Skye where she died in 1790. Charles remained in Franc

for some years, went thence to Rome, where he lived the latter years of his life, dying in 1788. In 1772 he had married Louisa, Countess of Albary, a daughter of Prince Stolberg-Gedern; in 1780 they separated, in consequence of his having become intemperate, or, as some assert, he became intemperate in consequence of the separation. After his death Louisa married the poet, Alfieri, and settled at Florence.

"Wile Away."-In the MONTHLY for July, page 23, in an inviting article giving "A Revolutionary Game of Cards," occurs the following: "It was, no doubt, played by our ancestors a century ago, and may serve to while pleasantly an hour or two away." The word "while" should have been printed "wile," as the author, Mr. Samuel Yorke At Lee, wrote it; the change was certainly unintentional, for, although the dictionaries authorize "while," we are inclined to concur with Mr. At Lee in regarding "wile" as the better spelling. Webster tells us the latter is rare, but if it be right, we can but help to make it less rare by giving it the presence, and thus "stand against the wiles of the devil" which might tempt us "to follow a multitude to do (spell) evil."

Lady Ackland.-On page 191 and 192 of the current number, will be found a short sketch of Lady Ackland from the pen of Mrs. Charles II. Halsey. In the MONTHLY for February, 1875, page 97, there was a paper by Rev. William Hall, which gave the facts of Lady Ackland's American experience; in it Mr. Hall has a footnote questioning the authenticity of the story of the Major's duel, his widow's temporary insanity and subsequent marriage with Mr. Brudenell. No doubt the story originated with Wilkinson, or was repeated by him without due inquiry as to its cor

rectness.

College Boat-Racing.-Where and when did college 1-at-racing begin? A STUDENT.

Taxation without Representation.-Was taxation without representation the principal grievance on which our forefathers inaugurated the American Revolution, or was it a general protest against the general tyranny of the King and Parliament of England; and who was really the first prominent American to enunciate the truth or doctrine that taxation without representation was tyranny? or, was the principle announced before the American Revolution? and ought not the principle if it is a true principle at all, he applied to the women of the United States to-day?

A WOMAN.

Thomas Carlyle.-Are there any sufficient grounds for the frequent assertions that Carlyle ever intended to be a preacher? and if he had been a preacher what wing of the British church would he or could he have flown with?

ARTHUR MERLIN.

Slavery in the United States in 1790, in 1810 and in 1830-Now that the "irrepressible conflict" is over and past, it is interesting to note the extent to which the "pecu

The Dark and Light of September, 1776.—The following interesting paragraphs formed part of Mr. Fenwycke's paper given in the August MONTHLY, being omitted bacause they belonged to September history; we insert them here because they are rather short for a separate paper.

We have seen that the patriot forces had obtained a brief season of safety in New York City, that Howe was already making active preparations to attempt the capture of the city, and that Washington, aware of his enemy's purpose and strength, had perfected plans for retreat.

A council of officers on the 7th of September decided against evacuating the city, but upon reconvening on the 12th the council reversed the decision, and the movement was forthwith commenced. The sick were removed to New Jersey and the stores to Dobbs's Ferry, some twelve miles from the city. A force of four thousand men, under the command of General Putnam, was left in the city, with orders if necessary to follow the main army which retired towards Mount Washington and King's Bridge. On the 15th, Sir Henry Clinton, with four thousand men, landed at Kip's Bay (now foot of Thirty-fourth street), being followed shortly by another division chiefly of Hessians. I need not give the details of the advance of the British, the withdrawal of Putnam's rear-guard, and the British entering upon possession of the city. This was on the 15th of September, and from this time until the 25th of November, 1783, a period of seven years and nearly a quarter, the British held the city.

The evacuation by the patriots and occupation by their enemy were effected without fighting. But on the 16th of September, the British force advanced against Mount Morris and

Harlem Cove (Manhattanville), occupied by small garrisons. On the advance, meeting a small detachment of Americans, a sharp though brief conflict occurred. Though the Americans lost two gallant officers, Colonel Knowlton and Major Leitch, and a number of men, and though their chief deemed it wise to retreat to Harlem Heights directly afterwards, the immediate result of the conflict was favorable to the patriots and raised their hitherto despondent spirits. This slight, but important victory checked the British for a time; Howe deeming the American fortifications on the Heights too strong for direct attack, sought to reach their rear. this belongs to October.

But

It will be recollected that in the fighting on Long Island, Generals Sullivan and Alexander (Lord Stirling) were among the prisoners. The British commander, General Howe, released the former on parole and sent him with a verbal message to the Congress proposing a conference with a committee from that body, at the same time expressing regret that he could not treat with the Congress or their Committee otherwise than as private gentlemen. The Congress replied in becoming terms, insisting that they could only act as representatives of Free and Independent States, but consenting to name a committee to confer informally to learn exactly what the brothers Howe had to propose. The committee consisted of Dr. Franklin, John Adams and Edward Rutledge. The conference was courteous and pleasant, but fruitless. D. ERSKINE FENWYCKE.

In a valuable pamphlet which has come to hand too late for notice in our Literary Department, we find a letter written by a participant in the operations about Harlem, which we copy as peculiarly apropos in this connection. The pamphlet is entitled "American Independence: Did the Colonists Desire it? Letters of John Jay and John Adams. Letters and Documents of other Actors in the American Revolution. Compiled by Jeremiah Colburn." It is a reprint from that invaluable periodical The New-England Historical and Genealogical Register for July of the current

The many favors Received from you will ever hold a gratfull place in my heart, and I flatter myself a Letter will not prove disagreeable as I look on myself obliged in gratitu le to let you hear from me, as I know you must be anctious for the certainty of events of which you can have at that distance but a confused account, as I was on the spot will endeavor to give you as Concise & Just account as possible; on the 15th Inst we evacuated New York & took all stores of every kind out of the City, and took Possession of hights of Haerlem eight miles from the City, the Enimy incamp'd about two miles from us; on the 16th the Eninimy advanced and took Possession of a hight on our Right Flank ab half a mile Distance with about 3000 men, a Party from our Brigade of 150 men who turned out as Volunteers under the command of Lieut. Col Crory of the Regm I belong to were ordered out if possible to dispossess them, in about 20 minits the Engagement began with as terrible a fire as ever I heard, when Orders came for the whole Brigage ime diately to march to support the first detachment, the Brigade Consisted of abt 900 men, we immediately formed in front

of the Enimy and march'd up in good order turnaja * -* fire, which was incessant till within 70 yards whes we Engaged them in that situation we engaged them for one hour and eight minits, when the Enimy Broke & Ran, w* persued them to the next hights, when we were ordern. : Retreat Our lose does not exceed in killed and wraz twenty five men, the lose of the Enimy was very considerat » but cannot be ascertaind, as we observed them to came their dead and wounded the whole time of the Eng they left a Number of killed and wounded on the Fed Battle & a great number of small Armes, the great ... iority of Numbers and every other advantage the E «. had, when considered makes the Victory Glorious, atel but over a part of their Army yet the Consequences of 1, 2, 2 attended with advantages very great, as they mea quited the hights all round us and have not been trulle some sinse, our people behaved with the greates Spirit, an the New England men have gained the first Lawiela i received a slight wound in the Anckle at the ting of the Engagement but never quited the Field during t : Eng #i ment. I'm now Ready to give them the second part w.. ever they have an appetite, as I'm convinced whenever s from their Ships we shall drubb them.

Every thing here is very dear Rum 16s. L mr: plas and every thing in proportion. I expect to see ya l if heaven spares me when perhaps may fall on a scene i a you may think advantageous as it will be impossible for me to stay in the Army for eight pounds p marth sh...! esteem myself very in having a line, my Best Respech sa your Lady & Family.

I am with a due sense of obliget) ins
Your oblig'd & most of it Serv int
JOHN GOOK.

"To "homas Fayerweather Esq

Merch In Boston"

George Clinton-a Query by the Editor-la Stone's sketch of this soldier and statesman of the ho tion it is stated that "he was sent to the Continental gress, and in May, 1775, voted for the indepesiel the Colonies. . . . the invasion of New York, w but few military men were available, imperatively t ing him to the defence, and preventing his signing the dr ration." Drake, in his Dictionary, tells us: "He tai place in Congress, May 15, 1775, and voted for indep dence; but the invasion of New York, calling him to 1: defence, prevented his signing the instrument." In the pi sage quoted from Mr. Stone we followed copy, then, â wpresume the "and" before "in May, 1775." sh.ad le transposed to follow the date. Now, we are at a is comprehend the statement that Mr. Clinton voted for 12: pendence, conflicting as it does with the historic recurd i the New York delegates did not vote for or ag1:41pendence, because of a doubt as to their right to ver view of the Congress of that Colony having refused to i struct them. That Clinton favored Independence we assured, but doubt his having voted for it. We " obliged to Mr. Stone or any other friend who will send formation for publication in the MONTIHIV, or referent li any book or books containing such information.

Reformers and Reform.-Since the days of Dickens, and how long before the oldest antiquarian knows not, the expression "Great Expectations" has been a sort of refined slang phrase applied to any undue hopes for the future. And slang is but a convenient form of utterance for some popular impulse, thought or feeling, and is not always objectionable by any means. "Undue hopes" is the literal heart of the matter. It is the anticipation of some thing or things which in the constitution and course of nature are not due us, for which we have not labored, and therefore in all probability shall not get. "Great expectations" is the sunbeam of sarcasm which opens the real book of life, and shows the debit instead of the credit side of the ledger. We are, as to this matter of reform, as a nation, just in the midst of such hopes to-day. This reform is a strange word, and the things done in its name are often far stranger than the word. The simplest etymology of the case is usually realized. There is necessarily with every Reform some new turn or shaping of things. This is the essence of it, as the idea of Rest is the germinal thought of the old and new Sabbath; but whether or not we reach out toward progress and improvement in the Reform, or devotion on the Sabbath, depends altogether on the average condition of the soul and the State or Nation. It is considered by many a healthy sign of the times that the Belknap case no longer sleeps and luxuriates on soft pillows of plunder; that whiskey rings are being found out and the ringsters exposed; that salary grabs and Credit Mobiliers were actually discovered and in a measure gagged; but, after all, this may only be a pretty pointed modern illustration of the kettle calling the crock hard names, and in real fact seems, so far, only to be a case or cases of moderately keen and pretty well applied detectiveism. The bottom fact to be considered is that, especially in a democratic country, the official is an average expression of the average spirit and character of the people that choose him as their official, and is, whether we like to admit it or not, a veritable thermometer and chronometer showing the average condition of the moral atmospere, and telling us what o'clock it really is according to the time-pieces of the people. He is not an exceptional excrescence, but a natural growth of the native soil at any special hour of the year or years.

The next point worth considering and especially pertinent in these days, when we have such great expectations of Reform," is this, that anything worthy of the name must mean something more than the arrest, imprisonment, and, alas! the speedy pardon of a few convicted officials, and the still speedier reception of them back into the higher circles of social life again. It must mean an innate and widespread contempt for and avoidance of dishonesty in every business and political circle of the nation, from the White House and the President's hat down to the smallest candyshop and caucus meeting, and through and through the most battered beaver of the poorest tinker that walks the streets. Are there any special signs of such reform to-day? Have

the worst men, even in official circles, been caught and punished? In fact, the reflections growing out of such questions are painful, and suggest a less pointed mode of expression. What are the real prospects? The cry on one side is "Tilden and Reform;" but the most respectable exchanges that reach us are laden with facts and wisdom going to show that Mr. Tilden was and is simply a sharp and shrewd lawyer of the most selfish and not overly-scrupulous type; that when rebel hands were at the throat of the nation, Mr. Tilden, in a dignified sort of way, applauded the act, and did his quiet best to uphold those hands; that in fact, so far as he is a Reformer at all, it is by an instinct of selfishness, with the keenest eye on the probabilities of his own clear gains. This is what the knowing political editors say of him. And, all questions of Northern and Southern sentiment aside, let us ask, Is that the sort of stuff out of which any healthy reform may be expected to come? Let us fling off our nightcaps, look the devil square in the face, and whip him if we can; but always remember that he is never thoroughly whipped till he is dead.

And

On the other hand, while admitting all the good things that have been and are being said about Mr. Hayes as a good citizen, a good Governor and an honorable gentleman, still in view of the experiences of the last eight years, is there not much force in the repeated assertion of the danger that Hayes and Wheeler may become the tools of the forces that have made General Grant's administration so objectionable if not disgusting to many of the strongest and best Republicans in the country? Let us hope and work for a better state of things. But it may be worth while to recall the fact, that seven years, yea four years ago, even so bright and well-informed a person as George W. Curtis, thought General Grant meant to reform the civil service and be much better and abler a President than he was a man. here is the fallacy then and now and always, to suppose that any man will be better and stronger officially than he has been in his own private and previous affairs. He of course will have more rope and a larger swing, but the tone and grit of the man will be always the same. It is to preach this lesson that we touched the matter at all, viz., that in order to get a reform administration, "Republican” or “Democratic," we must have candidates and officers that were born and bred and have by law of nature given their lives to honesty and reformation wherever they have found dishonesty and injustice the order of the day about them. But we have put the case as we have, to indicate that every fly is not a spider after all, and that real spider's webs are only built by law of nature and of truth; that, in order to have reform, there must at least be an actual reformer or two at the wheel and lookout to steady the ship, and if it is north you want to go, then to head her straight for the pole star, though the captain and half the crew be

washed into the sea.

One thought more: whether Hayes or Tilden is to command our good ship of State during the next four years, is