field." Tryon would not save from the torch of the Hessian, the Burr house. Perhaps he remembered Hancock's entertainment and marriage there in 1775. “Mrs. Burr, the wise of Thaddeus Burr, Esq., high sheriff of the county, resolved to continue in the mansion house of the family, and made an attempt to save it from conflagration. The house stood at a sufficient distance from other buildings. Mrs. Burr was adomed with all the qualities which gave distinction to her sex; possessed of fine accomplishments and a dignity of character scarcely rivaled. She made a personal application to Gov. Tryon, in terms which, from a lady of her high respectability, could hardly have failed of a satisfactory answer from any person who claimed the title of a gentleman. The answer which she actually received was, however, rude and brutal; and spoke the want, not only of politeness and humanity, but even of vulgar civility." The house was sentenced to the flames; the Hessian incendiaries tried to rob her of her watch as they applied the torch; and the house in which the President of the Continental Congress was married, with every thing which contributed either to comfort or elegance of living, was laid in ashes.

W. T. R. SAFFELL,

Rev. Thomas Prince.-Rev. Thomas Prince, Pastor of the "Old South Church," Boston, Massachusetts, for forty years, deposited a large number of pamphlets, records, MSS., etc. in the steeple chamber of that church, giving orders that while they might freely be examined, none should be taken therefrom. Can your readers inform us if any of these documents are now extant?

Mr. Prince, prior to his settlement over the Old South Church, visited England, and procured the coat-of-arms still borne by the Prince family. By his researches it appears, that in the year 1582, Queen Elizabeth, by her Garter Kingat-Arms, granted to John Prince, of Abbey Foregate, Shrewsbury, County of Salop (Shropshire), the coat-of-arms still horne by the Prince family in that country, and which the Princes of America claim their right to bear, and do still bear. When the Rev. Thomas Prince was in England, an exact copy of that coat-of-arms was presented to him as the escutcheon of his ancestors. He returned to Boston in 1716. The old Abbey referred to above, formed part of a richly endowed monastery, founded in 1083, by Roger, Earl of Shrewsbury. It is built of a red stone, and presents many curious features of the ancient Norman architecture. Foregate the name of the Abbey or of an appendage thereto ? The Princes, from the first, seem to have been a highly religious family, showing in their genealogy great numbers, representing the Church, not only as Dissenters, but as Episcopalians also. They were a long-lived family, a characteristic, noticeable to our day, and not only this, rarely do any of the descendants fall into dotage with the passage of years.

Was

Was Hon. Jonathan P. Cilley (killed in a duel with Graves of Kentucky) or his wife, a descendant of the Princes? It would seem that the Brewsters, Cushings, Freemans, etc., are all collaterally related to the Princes. Fourteen Princes served in the Union army during our civil war, and yet they are by no means a family martial in character, being more given to intellectual pursuits.

E. O. S. (née PRINCE).

Presidents of the Congress to 1789, and the United States Government to 1829.-Would it not be of sufficient interest to some of the MONTHLY'S readers to warrant the space to give a list of the Presidents of the Continental and National Congresses anterior to the Constitution, and of the earlier Administrations under the Constitution?

JAMES R. WATSON.

REPLY. The information is readily accessible in histories and in other works, yet the list asked for by Mr. Watson will be found useful in this condensed form.

Peyton Randolph, Virginia, was elected President of the First Congress, Sept. 5, 1774, and re-elected to the same position by the Second Congress, May 10, 1775; but he was compelled to go home within two weeks, whereupon John Hancock, Massachusetts, was elected May 24; Henry Laurens, South Carolina, Nov. 1, '77; John Jay, New York, Dec. 10, '78; Samuel Huntington, Connecticut, Sept. 28, '79; Thomas McKean, Delaware, July 10, '81; John Hanson, Maryland, Nov. 5. '81; Elias Boudinot, New Jersey, Nov. 4, '82; Thomas Mifflin, Pennsylvania, Nov. 3, '83; Richard Henry Lee, Va., Nov. 30, '85; Nathaniel Gorham, Mass., June 6, '86; Arthur St. Clair, Pa., Feb. 2, '87; Cyrus Griffin, Va., Jan. 22, '88.

THE FIRST SIX ADMINISTRATIONS.- -The First.-George Washington, Va., President inaugurated April 30, 1789, and March 4, '93, both times with John Adams, Mass., VicePresident; Secretary of State, Thomas Jefferson, Va., Sept. 26, '89, Edmund Randolph, Jan. 2, '94, and Timothy Pickering, Mass., Dec. 10, '95; Secretary of the Treasury, Alexander Hamilton, Sept. 11, '89, and Oliver Wolcot, Conn., Feb. 3, '95; Secretary of War, Henry Knox, Mass., Sept. 12, '89, Timothy Pickering, Mass., Jan. 2, '95, and | James McHenry, Maryland, Jan. 27, '96; Attorney-General, Edmund Randolph, Va., Sept. 26, 1789, William Bradford, Pa., Jan. 27, '94, and Charles Lee, Va., Dec. 10, '95.

The Second.-John Adams, Mass., President, inaugurated March 4, '97, with Thomas Jefferson, Vice-President; State, Timothy Pickering, Mass., March 5, '97, and John Marshall, Va., May 13, 1800; Treasury, Oliver Wolcot, Conn., March 5, 1797, and Samuel Dexter, Mass., Dec. 31, 1800; War, James McHenry, Md., March 5, 1797, Samuel Dexter, Mass, May 13, 1800, and Roger Griswold, Conn., Feb. 3, '01; Navy, Benjamin Stoddert, Md., May 21, 1798; Law, Charles Lee, Va., March 5, '97.

The Third.-Thomas Jefferson, Va., President, inaugurated March 4, 1801, and March 4, '05, the first time with Aaron Burr, N. Y., the second time with George Clinton, N. Y., Vice-President; State, James Madison, Va., March 5, '01; Treasury, Samuel Dexter, Mass., March 5, '01, and Albert Gallatin, Pa., Jan. 26, '02; War, Henry Dearborn, Mass., March 5, '01; Navy, Benjamin Stoddert, Md., March 5, '01, and Robert Smith, Md., Jan. 26, '02; Law, Levi Lincoln, Mass., March 5, '01, John Breckinridge, Kentucky, December 23, '05, and Cæsar A. Rodney, Del., Jan. 20, '07.

The Fourth.-James Madison, Va., President, inaugu rated March 4, 1809, and March 4, '13, the first time with George Clinton, N. Y., the second time with Elbridge Gerry, Mass., Vice-President; State, Robert Smith, Md., March 6, '09, and James Monroe, Va., Nov. 25, '11;

Treasury, Albert Gallatin, Pa., March 6, '09, G. W. Campbell, Tennessee, Feb. 9, '14, and Alexander J. Dallas, Pa., Oct. 6, '14; War, William Eustis, Mass., March 7, 09, John Armstrong, N. Y., Jan. 13, '13, James Monroe, Va., Sept. 27, '14, and William H. Crawford, Georgia, March 2, '15; Navy, Paul Hamilton, S. C., March 7, '09, William Jones, Pa., Jan. 12, '13, and Benjamin W. Crowninshield, Mass., Dec. 19, '14; Law, Cæsar A. Rodney, Del., March 6, '09, William Pinkney, Md., Dec. 11, 'II, and Richard Rush, Pa., Feb. 10, '14.

The Fifth.-James Monroe, Va., President, inaugurated March 4, 1817, and March 4, '21, both times with Daniel D. Tompkins, N. Y., Vice-President; State, John Quincy Adams, Mass., March 5, '17; Treasury, William H. Crawford, Ga., March 5, '17; War, John C. Calhoun, S. C., March 5, '17; Navy, B. W. Crowninshield, Mass., March 5, '17, Smith Thompson, N. Y., Nov. 30, '18, and Samuel L. Southard, N. J., Dec. 9, '23; Law, Richard Rush, Pa., March 5, '17, and William Wirt, Va., Dec. 16, '17.

The Sixth.-John Quincy Adams, Mass., President, inaugurated March 4, 1825, with John C. Calhoun, S. C., VicePresident; State, Henry Clay, Ky., March 8, '25; Treasury, Richard Rush, l'a., March 7, 25; War, James Barbour, Va., March 7, '25, and Peter B. Porter, N. Y., May 26, '28; Navy, Samuel L. Southard, N. J., March 7, '25; Law, William Wirt, Va., March 7, '25.

The Seventh was the memorable administration with Andrew Jackson at its head, with an entirely new array of men in his Cabinet, every one of whom he replaced by a new man in May, 1831.

John Jay, New York, was the first Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, and was inducted Sept. 26, 1789; William Cushing, Mass., succeeded Jay, Jan. 22, 1796, and died within a few weeks, being succeeded by Oliver Ellsworth, Conn., and he by John Marshall, Va., Jan. 27, 1801.

Slavery in Vermont.-The table published in your Magazine for September, page 221, represents that in 1790 there were sixteen slaves in Vermont. This agrees with the official publication of the census of 1790; but it is an error, as the Hon. Hiland Hall has clearly shown in the New England Historical and Genealogical Register for July, 1875, page 247. The error was occasioned by the Assistant Marshal of Bennington County dividing the free blacks into three classes (namely, 1, males over sixteen; 2, males under sfxteen; 3, females), and making no return of slaves. The person who compiled the census, carelessly placed the free black females in the return among the slaves, and the error, though often repeated, was only recently discovered.

JOHN W. DEAN.

St. Crispin and St. Crispinian.—Who does not know that St Crispin is the holy patron of that "art, trade, mystery, calling or occupation" to which we are indebted for the shoes and boots we wear? He and his marvellous history were called to my mind by hearing a man whose feet were corned wickedly cursing St. Crispin, in a manner worthy of a person corned in that way which makes one oblivious of jus tice. St. Crispin died in the year 287, and August 25th is the day set apart in memory of his virtues. Alban Butler, the fa

mous sanctographer, tells us that St. Crispin and St. C-pos ian were "two glorious martyrs," and states that they ca from Rome to preach at Soissons, in France, “towar = 1 middle of the third century, and, in imitation of Paz, worked with their hands in the night, making shoes, “Sag. they were said to have been nobly born and teden Their success as preachers was so great that they soon brogat upon themselves the cruel hand of Rictius Varus, Govers r under Maximias Herculeus, and "the most impatie enemy of the Christian name," as Butler justly gras him, and he assures us "they were victorious over (316 15 12 inhuman judge, by the patience and constancy with which they bore the most cruel torments, and finished ther ame by the sword about the year 287." In Soissons there a a fine old church built to their honor in the sixth century

It was on St. Crispin's day, 1415, that the great bare -Agincourt was fought, and the signal victory we by Herry V. of England, over the French under the Constatue 1'4 bret, the latter having six or seven times the English

THOMAS J. HARRIS

A Witicism-Query as to its Author-3 6-4 having called upon Henry Inman, the distinguished ar.. found him busy at his canvas, notwithstanding x what New Yorkers call the annual "heated term."

"Terrible hot day," exclaimed his friend, spring his forehead with a pocket handkerchief.

"Terrible!" returned Inman, "but I am thinking it mat be made comfortable, if a man could sit in his benei," Was this original with Mr. Inman, whose wit was never at fault? Will some of your readers tell us?

HOLLYWOOD.

Slavery in the North.-The table given in the Sezerm ber MONTHLY, page 221, brings to mind the extent to w slavery prevailed in the Northern States in the early days of our Nation and the early days of the Colonies Ang the curious things, to readers of our day, in the newspaper of a hundred and more years ago, are the many adverse ments of "Slaves for Sale," "Slaves Run Away," etc; ret of these I copy as of special interest because of the afterwin.s famous men who figure as "dealers;" it is from The Pennsylvania Journal of August 15, 1765:

"Just Imported in the ship Granby, Joseph Blewer Mesir, SEVENTY GOLD-COAST SLAVES of various ages, und both sexes, To be sold on board said ship at M2 Please a wharf, by WILLING and MORRIS, And a part of them are intended to be sent in a few days to Dock Creek, there to be sold, by Mr Thomas Mudock for cash or any produce."

Of course the "dealers” were Thomas Willing and Robert Morris, of Revolutionary fame. "Dock Creek" bas, ing years since, been filled up and been transformed into “ Esk Street." J. MORAN SHE*L*&.

John Nixon.-A correspondent asks whether there his been any biography or sketch published of John Nixon, wio read the Declaration in Independence Square, Friadeljé a July 8th, 1776. We know of but one and that on quite mo satisfactory-it contains two unexcusable errors which fals reliance upon the other statements therein.

The Turkey Bone, and who Shall Pick it.-The Turk in Europe is a sort of new Daniel in the Lion's Den; perhaps without the faith, or goodness, or providential care supposed to attach to the Hebrew Prophet; but that remains to be seen, and is just where the real interest in the present European struggle centres. It is really of small moment whether or not the little province of Montenegro, firmly or otherwise, attaches itself to Servia in the present conflict, or whether the two provinces together or separately urge a short or long, successful or unsuccessful war against the Sultan. If successful, it would only be a relative and questionable victory, a change of masters-perhaps for the better, perhaps for the worse-during the next ten or perchance the next hundred years. As if thrown by cruel fates into the very jaws of the hungry, European Turkey has been a bone of contention for centuries; but until within the last fifty or seventy-five years the question was not how shall we divide the joints and finally dispose of the Mohammedan: it was, how shall we check and curb his power, and prevent the Crescent from waving on all the towers of Europe? To this end, before Russia, as an Empire, was as civilized and strong as now; before the Hohenzollern element, through Frederick the Great, and later, through William and Bismarck, had made Prussia the greatest nation of modern times; in a word, before the purely civil as opposed to the ecclesiastical element had so wholly entered into and determined to control the governments of modern nations; before England had got her Shakspeare and Cromwell, or France her Napoleon; before the printing-press and steam-engine; when the Pope was a sort of headship of the Christian nations, all the then scattered and frequently divided Christian races and peoples usually united against the Sultan, the real struggle being between the Crescent and the Cross, and admittedly fought on that ground. The nations do not now consciously fight for a religion, but for territory. Then the valley of the Danube was wanted for the Church, and Hungary won in those days, and on that ground, the prominence she now holds in the Austrian Empire; but the Turk was too much for our enthusiastic but divided forefathers. Now the Danube is wanted for its own sake, and the question of religion is decidedly secondary. The game is immensely more complex than it was, and the Turk having got in, it appears that England at least seems to think there may yet be good reasons why he should linger awhile. That is the full mean. ing of her not signing the Gortschakoff Memorandum. A powerful fleet of ugly-looking English iron-clads in the Bay of Besika was and is a palpable assertion to the effect that the hour for plucking the banks of the Danube has not yet come. Moreover, the treatment Austria got from Russia at and after Sadowa, must have acted as a sort of hint, suggesting that it was not worth while to get provinces that one cannot hold. The Crimean war was not without its lessons for Russia, to the effect that somehow there is, or may be, a close relationship between London and Constantinople, between the Thames and the Black Sea.

The struggles between Romanism and Protestantism again have had a good deal to do with breaking the old united

front against the Turks; and to-day it looks as though it were ere long to be a fearful, perhaps final, struggle between Iron-clads, Krupp guns and modern diplomacy. And what are the chances? One thing is palpable: the inevitable tendency of states and nationalities, not only in Europe but all over the world in these days, is concentration. The days of petty fighting between little princes and principalities are wellnigh passed. It is not for her old independence that Servia is fighting, even though she may think it is. Is it for a united Pan-Slavic nationality, in which she would be an important member, or is it only for a fifth-wheel position in Russia or Austria? The answer to this seems to be, that though Russia is great and strong, neither England nor Prussia nor Austria would consent to her plucking or holding any states on the lower bank of the Danube; that as such, Austria is not strong enough either to conquer or hold more territory than she has, and, in fact, that the jealousies of the northwestern European nations will prevent any dismemberment of European Turkey as in favor of Austria or Russia. It is useless any longer to talk of religious sympathies in the matter. If Russia opposes the Sultan, it is not to help Servia or the Christian vassals of Mohammedanism; it is to help herself and enlarge her own borders. This is understood in Europe, and cannot be allowed. On the other hand, the Turkish element is so foreign to European civilization, and in fact is so small an item in it, that the Sultan will probably not always hold sway therein, but will find himself, by the growing combinations of European sentiment and power against him, forced back to Asia Minor and his native ways. In which event, there seems to be nothing to hinder, but everything to help, the Slavic races to a closer union; and Protestant Prussia and England, with republican France and Italy, would all favor such a readjustment of European boundaries as would, in the place of Austrian dualism, organize the dream of generations--a Pan-Slavic Christian nation, composed of the Southern States of the old and new European world. Russia could hardly refuse or object. The elements would be friendly to her. But even if she objected, the balance of power would be largely against her, and her opposition would be futile. Such a movement would be wholly in harmony with all the great national movements of the last two centuries; in fact, seems to offer the only clear and strong outlook through the present trouble. Before it comes there must rise out of the soil, somewhere between Vienna and Constantinople, a man that shall embody the ideas of the union, and be an able leader therein. No Russian or Turk will do, meantime. Abdul Azis is scarcely buried, before his successor, Sultan Murad, being of weak mind and generally incapable, is deposed and replaced by his cousin, Abdul Hamid, a healthier representative of Young Turkey" and reform; and the Turks, now really led by the Softas, are evidently determined to make persistent efforts to keep their own in Europe; and, in fact, before any such Slavic union as the one hinted at can come, the Pope may be expected to make new moves, and perhaps some new Bismarcks and new Washingtons to spring up in the old and new corners of the world.

66

The Presidential Candidates and their Chances.The whole country is beginning to feel the agitation of the "Fall elections," and it is next to impossible not to say a word or two on the subject. But we will be philosophical, not partisan. The biographies of the men whose faces we here reproduce have already been written in all the newspapers of the country. We shall not repeat the well-worn story. Our purpose is to touch only the salient points in the character of each, as seen in his face and record, and glance at the issues and chances of the coming campaign. After repeated studies of these faces separately and arranged side by side, the conviction again and again forces itself upon one that, physiologically speaking, we have not for many years had any Presidential tickets that were half as well balanced as these. The faces of the candidates in several previous elections will readily occur to the reader; and always taking into account the issues at stake, and the structure of society at the hour, it will be found that there were reasons upon reasons, even speaking physiologically, why the winning men should have won. We might have to go into invidious distinctions were we to attempt to show this in detail. Let the reader muse over it at his or her leisure. In the present case, the faces of the candidates complement and fill out each other so well that it would be difficult to find among our public men four faces that went so well together and offered to the American people so fair and equal claims for the high honors and trusts of the offices of President and Vice-President of the United States. No matter how extremely partisan a man may be, a clear study of these heads, if he understands heads, will fix this conclusion in his mind. And it may be well to add here, that these physiological harmonies and balancings are, even in the most practical and political matters, of far more vital

importance than a temporary agreement or non-agreener on the financial questions of the hour-the satire M: Nast and the arguments of George W. Curtis to the retran notwithstanding. A man can honestly change his fanc views, as many prominent men are doing all the time; cannot change the bent of his nose, which really shapes record of his life.

Again, the present positions of the men are all in kee with their past lives and records. They have all honey earned their present prominence, and each pair separati and each man separately, is a true and proper exponer of the parties and the peoples behind them. They stand for o crotchets or isms, but are worthy representatives of the c and new democratic and republican elements in the whit country. No one of the four can properly be called a grea man, but each represents a high order of talent guslel so success by steady and well-applied industry.

Mr. Hayes's is the clearest and pleasantest face of the He comes from good Scotch and English blond, New Eng landized for a couple of centuries, and then aerated by a broader Western atmosphere and life. It is good stock and a good record, and his career in Ohio has really been one of steady triumph most flattering to a man of his years, a te any man.

Mr. Tilden's is the strongest, most set and yet most pähle and least reliable face of the four. All the lines of the face and the entire expression of it mark him as the one man of the four who has seen most of life and come nearest to sol ing its mystery to his own satisfaction. It is a smooth, sleek sort of face, but its world culture and breadth and prover command immediate respect. He is eight years Mr. Hayes senior, and this may be something in his favor as regard the settled look of the man, though Mr. Hayes at fifty for may be considered in his best prime and as having some ad

SAMUEL J. TILDEN.

vantage on the side of a buoyant vitality. A thought urges itself just here, that whichever of these two is elected President it is to be hoped he will live the term through; for in neither case is the candidate for Vice-President as able a man as the Presidential candidate of either party.

Mr. Wheeler has a good, strong head, immense will power, but absolutely of very limited breadth and balance, and, without reference to present men or parties, scarcely the sort of man for President of the United States during the next four years. Mr. Wheeler admirably supplements Mr. Hayes; and the two together look a good deal like victory.

Mr. Hendricks is weak just where Mr. Wheeler is strong. It is really a much better head and a finer nature, with a good deal of singleness of heart and aim, apparently fitting right into Mr. Tilden's apparent duplicity; but the upper part of Mr. Hendrick's head is better than the lower. In the lines of the mouth there is vacillation, change, the power of yielding; and just here is where the Democratic ticket is weakened.

Again, as the candidates are admirably equalled and true representatives of the old and new elements of their parties, so are the issues well balanced; and it is the only real good, square Presidential campaign we have had for a generation or more. Previous to the war the Democratic party was badly cut up, and previous to that the Republican party had only a would-be existence. Since the war the Republicans have had it pretty much their own way; and now this much should be admitted on all sides, that the issues of the war are no longer issues. The Republican party has settled them by law to the utmost extent of its power. The questions of finance, of civil service, of class legislation and education, and of general industry, are all new, or as good as

new, and the question to be considered is, which are the best and likeliest heads to settle and control them to the best welfare of the entire American people?

Why not put it all on Grant ?-The economy of scapegoatism is wellnigh universal. Adam blamed it all on Eve; and the men have been cowards in that way from those early days till now. The trouble to-day is not to account for a falling apple, but to untangle the purse-strings of all nations. It is no mean snarl the world has got into. Excess of invention and manufacture have led to over-production and the wildest speculation. Instead of enterprise and faith we have intrigue and suspicion. The "coal interests," the "iron interests," the "general industry" of the world, seems breaking up in panic. The failures of strong houses in England, and of weaker ones at home, are rapid and appalling. Germany got so much money from France, and felt so generally good over her victory, that she went wild with speculation and rejoicing, and the result is general financial collapse in what was supposed the best-digesting stomach on the planet. Evidently, somebody is to blame. Perhaps American extravagance has become infectious and diseased the whole world. But everything centres somewhere, and it occurred to us that as Grant had been blamed for so many of our home troubles, we might saddle upon him the sickness of the race. If it could be done, an excellent campaign speech might be got out of it, and perhaps even the scales of the near elections be tilted thereby.

But, seriously, as though a Republican administration, or a Democratic or other Congress were to be blamed for the hard times, or could help us much even if they had the will, and were as honorable a set of men as they ought to be! France seems the only present exception to the world-wide