succeed in suppressing the present revo- | of its liberty, and that of the world, with lution or not. How serious the case is, Paris - the immortal Paris - for capital, and how hopeless it makes even popular is a prospect which tempts me," he says, prophets like M. Louis Blanc, nothing "more I admit, than France reverting, shows more clearly than the letter in after being torn in pieces, to that Italian which M. Louis Blanc,- (who headed the Federalism of the middle ages which was poll in Paris when the Assembly was the cause of continual intestine contenchosen, and feels for Paris something at tions in Italy, and which delivered her, least of the veneration which Victor Hugo lacerated by herself, to the blows of every has erected almost into a faith), has de- foreign invader." No doubt it does. But clared against it, thereby, no doubt, sacri- he does not tell us, what we suspect to be ficing deliberately many of his adherents the simple truth, that the alternative to among the extreme party. For well con- this miserable picture of France "torn to sidered, there is hardly any legitimate es- pieces" and reverting to "that Italian cape from the royal and imperial principle Federalism of the middle ages which was in France except the Federal principle, the cause of continual intestine contentions while, on the other hand, there is hardly in Italy, and which delivered her, lacerated any legitimate escape from the federaliza- by herself, to the blows of every foreign tion of France except the royal or impe- invader," is hardly France, free, united, rial principle. M. Louis Blanc really and compact, but France united and comknows this. He knows that the Assembly pact under a government which suppresses of which he is a member, elected by uni- either the freedom of the country or the versal suffrage, would return to royalty or freedom of the towns. "Not," he goes on imperialism to-morrow if it were allowed to say, "that I am for centralization carto act freely. He knows that any suc- ried to extremes. Far from it. I concessor to it, elected in the same way, sider that the Commune represents the would do the same. He knows that the idea of unity not less truly than the State, only conceivable chance for "a republic although under another aspect. The one and indivisible" in France is the not State corresponds with the principle of navery republican proposal to restrict the tionality, the Commune corresponds with electoral suffrage by a law excluding the the principle of association; if the State is mass of the peasantry. He knows that the edifice, the Commune is the foundathis would mean the towns governing the tion," which would be exceedingly well, country districts,- against their will, if it only did not happen that the various by ideas only popular in the towns. He "foundations of the edifice" are laid on knows, on the other hand, that a federa- very different levels, and are not, theretion would be a security against royalty fore, in any way suitable for the foundaand imperialism on the same principle on tions of one and the same edifice. But as which the cellular structure of a ship is a it does happen in point of fact that such security against the mischief of a leak. Communes as those of Paris, Marseilles, Separate the State into distinct provincial Lyons, St. Etienne, &c., would be founcompartments and you have a guarantee dations of one sort of edifice, and the deagainst the spread of any centralizing en- partmental or provincial organizations thusiasm, because no province could hope would be foundations of quite another, to place a king or emperor over all France and that no common edifice could be raised without giving up its own local rights and on these very uneven foundations, M. liberties, to which the provinces would Louis Blanc's letter must be taken to probably be even more deeply attached mean that after weighing all the evils of than to any central principle whatever. both solutions, he finds the evil of FederThe very provinces,-like Brittany,-alism, with the weakness and probable which are most deeply royalist, are also impotence it would impose on France, most deeply attached to their own local even more intolerable than the evils of a habits and rights. Grant them the latter, civilization in which either the peasants and they will gladly waive their demand for a King; but refuse them the local rights, and immediately they press for the acceptance of their single centralizing idea. M. Louis Blanc knows all this, nay, has known and pondered it for years. And yet he cannot and will not admit the idea of Federation:- France advancing united and compact to the pacific conquest

must govern the cities or the cities must govern the peasants. No doubt he would far prefer the latter kind of centralization, if he could see his way to it. But he must, we think, be taken to have admitted that if, as is probable, it is not possible, if the peasants from their superior numbers must have a greater weight in any homogencous organization of France than the

cities-even so, homogeneousness with provinces. The foreign policy which apvastly less liberty for the cities, would be proved itself most to Normandy would preferable to Federalism with complete approve itself least to Provence. Nice liberty. M. Louis Blanc wants "a repub- and Savoy given up to their own local lic one and indivisible," but yet would government would probably break away prefer, as we gather, " France one and in- from France altogether. The department divisible," even if not a republic, to France of the Jura would in all probability feel torn and divided among a number of Com- that Federalism once admitted, its nationmunes, however free. al affinities are stronger with a Swiss Federation than with a French. The Roman Catholics of the Flemish border would find the ties to Belgium growing stronger as the tie of France grew weaker. And against difficulties such as these the Federal Government would have to travel on its difficult and perilous way. Nothing can in fact be less like the situation of a federated France than the situation of the United States and of the Swiss Cantons. In the latter, all the traditions are of the same hue; all the dangers are of the same kind; all the political life is homogeneous; and, perhaps most important of all, all the local interests either far outweigh the central interests in importance, or, at least, did so during the period in which the federal principle was rooting itself in the minds of the people. Now, in France, all the provincial traditions are of opposite hues; the dangers are very diverse; the political life is most heterogeneous; and yet important as are the local interests of the people, the central interests are inevitably still more important, and therefore certain to be the subject of the hottest possible rivalries and contests between the Federated elements. Nothing, then, can be less favourable for Federation than the conditions of public life in France, and we should fear that the federal experiment, if ever tried, would only be a name for chronic civil war. And so also, we take it, thinks M. Louis Blanc.

This is a remarkable opinion to be passed by one who was really the most popular man in Paris, the representative, par excellence, of the higher Socialistic ideas, and therefore above all things likely to give the fullest weight to that craving after Federalism which seems to be the only distinct feature in the new revolution. And there is great reason to believe that M. Louis Blanc does not in the least exaggerate the hopelessness of any real Federal unity in France. We must remember that a Federal Government in such a country as France would have a very different duty indeed from the Federal Government of such a country as Switzerland, or still more such a Government as the United States. It would have to defend a country which would be far too large and too powerful for neutralization,- nay, too large and powerful for the policy of extreme caution and neutrality which is the traditional policy of Switzerland. Moreover, the French people are the last in the world to subject themselves to the necessary restraints of such a policy. They are vain, vivacious, full of brilliance. Their literature alone would provoke, as it has so often provoked, the bitterest enmities. They are restless, too, and their intellect is incisive and capricious. They would never long endure a lowly place in the world. Yet once federalize France, and you would find it an almost impossible problem for the central Government to We hold, therefore, that the real alterovercome the local jealousies and animosi- native before France, if she is not to fall ties. If war were to break out, the ani- into chronic civil war, is either a strong mosities between towns and country, be- central government dictated by the peastween commune and commune, between ants, who are Royalists, or a strong cenprovince and province, would be intermin- tral government dictated by the cities, able. The central Government would which are Republican, and in either have no power to overcome these jealous- case one strong enough to put down and ies, and yet no power to face the enemy keep down the others. If the cities were till they were overcome. Bretons and to conquer, there would be the anomaly Burgundians, and Normans and Provençals of a minority forcing a majority to accept would quarrel as to the relative magni- a form of freedom which they were not tude of their contributions to the war and to its funds; jealousies of race as to the command of troops would be stronger than ever,- and they were strong enough in the recent war, since the local principle would have been fairly consecrated by separate administrations of the various

free enough to reject. If the country were once more to conquer, there would be again the anomaly of the most ignorant and reactionary governing the most intelligent and energetic, and of a government really averse to education, instead of favourable to it as a means of government.

From The Spectator.

THE GERMAN UPPER HOUSE.

The alternative is not a pleasant one. | unwilling to consent to any innovation. Either one branch or the other of it in- With a tact, however, which he seldoin volves the gravest practical and moral exhibits, he abstained from employing this anomalies. But either one or the other is, argument, and declared that he resisted we fear, more feasible and less dangerous the proposal in the interest of popular than the experiment of Federalism, which representation. "Unpaid Sessions were would probably involve all the evils of always short sessions," and it was only each and many of its own as well. when Sessions were short that all classes of the community could stand as candidates. This argument was of course rejected by the House, as the payment of members would secure general representation much more easily than short Sessions, which left the Government too absolute, WE noticed some weeks ago, while dis- and on the final vote the payment was decussing the new Constitution of Germany, creed from next Session. It is still, howthat Prince Bismarck in preparing it had ever, doubtful if the vote will be allowed, performed an extraordinary feat of con- as the Federal Council has to assent, and servative statesmanship. He had suc- the Chancellor, in answer to a remark that ceeded, in the teeth of almost all constitu- if he dreaded universal suffrage he should tional theorists, in constructing an Upper create an Upper House, declared that the House strong enough to resist pressure Council was the power on which he refrom the Lower, composed of few persons, lied, that it was independent, co-ordinate, extremely conservative on all points on and far less liable to coercion than any which he desired conservatism, and yet House of Lords that he could hope to esable to hold its own against the whole tablish. "Experience had convinced him body of the people. We should a priori that ordinary Upper Houses were unable have thought such a feat impossible, but to answer the required end, stronger forces he has accomplished it, and in a great being required to check a body which repspeech delivered on Wednesday, the 19th resented the entire nation,” — a curiously inst., before the Reichstag, he admitted that savage rap for his old friends the Junkers. his design from the first had been to cre- The Federal Council was such a force, ate an Upper House stronger than any hith- each of its twenty-five members being erto existing in Europe. Herr Schulze- nominated by a ruling prince, representing Delitsch, the great advocate of co-opera- not his own opinion, but that of his State, tion in Germany, had introduced a motion and had therefore a weight in consultafor granting salaries and travelling ex- tion which could not attach to any private penses to members of the Reichstag, a gentleman. The Chancellor believed there motion which the the Chancellor of the was "an immense future" in store for the Empire resolutely opposed, in a speech an- Council, which represented wider varieties alyzed with much care in his European of opinion than any elective Assembly organ, the Correspondent. This question could do, which was by the Constitution of payment is habitually prejudged in Eng-"placed on an equality with the Reichsland, but it does not on the Continent, or tag," and which was far more powerful indeed in any poor State, imply precisely than Upper Chambers usually are;" and the same thing as in this country. Very he "was therefore opposed to every change few persons in Germany, France, or Italy in the institutions of Germany which can live without working unless they are might tend to weaken the power of this proprietors, and the rights of property be- Upper Chamber." That is a frank coning much more endangered there than fession. Prince Bismarck, with an acumen here, almost all proprietors are rigidly which almost extorts admiration from his conservative. Distances, too, are much greater, trains are much slower, and for professional men to earn money and still serve as members without pay is almost if not entirely impracticable. The Chancellor, well aware that in the Prussian Parliament the payment of members enables Liberal professionals to secure seats, and that they are the bones of the Liberal or ganization, established non-payment as the rule in the Federal Assembly, and is most

opponents the man is so efficient in his own line-has succeeded in creating a body which, with all the strength of the American Senate, and more than its impersonality - for the actual debaters in the Federal Council are but delegates, and discuss in secret has all the subservience of a Chamber of nominees, and can and will arrest all Liberal legislation without exposing the Emperor to the odium his use of a veto might have produced. That

the Chancellor intends to use this body is and if their Parliaments elect the Councilevident, and that his action will for the lors, the Council will be a Senate like that present be condoned, is also evident, if of the Union, and with more than its only from the strenuous and continued power. Only Prussia can resist, and cheering with which his declaration was Prussia's power of resistance will be imreceived. The Federal Councillors are, in mensely weakened by the submission of fact, the Princes of Germany, and they all the remaining Princes, the loss of cannot as yet be coerced by their own moral support from the constituents of the subjects without danger of Revolution. Empire. Resistance à outrance under such Bismarck has for the moment mastered the circumstances, resistance, that is, when the immense power which, in the shape of the question at issue is not the existence or general Parliament, he has himself cre- even the status of the Empire, but only ated. He cannot, it is true, compel it to the mode of appointing certain councillors adopt a new initiative, but he can forbid within its bounds, may some day prove too it to adopt one, and as the existing régime dangerous to be continued. The unity of exactly suits his ideas, and ought, in his the Empire might be at stake, and howjudgment, to have time to strike its roots ever the present Kaiser may feel, his sucdeeper into the soil," an effective power cessors are certain to over-value rather of veto will give him all that he desires. [than under-value that grand Imperial It will compel Germany to remain for a Crown. And yet the Federal Council time submissive, if not silent under his once improved by this single concession, master's sway. No military law, no law once elected by Legislatures instead of of Federal taxation, no law modifying the nominated by Kings, Germany, whatever criminal code, however popular or however her name, becomes a Republic constituted excellent, can be passed without the dis- after the strictest Republican ideas, a tinct assent of a majority of the Sovereigns mighty Federal State controlled by a voting after a system which leaves to the Congress in which Upper and Lower House King of Prussia and his immediate de- are equally elective. The only counterpendents an indisputable majority. Noth-balancing power would in that case be ing, in fact, short of a change in the mode that of the Emperor, and that would be of appointing the Federal Council can give limited, as it was not limited in England, the German people any real control over their own affairs.

by the independent authority conferred by the Constitution on the Council over peace and war, and over the terms of the Federal pact. The machinery needful for covert Republicanism like that of Great Britain is all there in working order, in a form to which the people are accustomed, needing nothing in fact beyond a change in constitutional etiquette. If the Sovereigns, instead of appointing whom they please to the Council, are compelled or induced to appoint those whom their Parliaments select, the pivot of power in Germany is transferred at once from the Sovereigns to the people. There is no herediThere

We do not remember such a triumph of skill in the manufacture of constitutions; but, nevertheless, there is evidence in it of a certain shortness of vision, a certain reliance on mere expedients in policy. Nothing is more dangerous to despots than to make the instrument of their despotism exceedingly conspicuous. Napoleon ruled through the Army and the peasants' votes till it has become the first object of French Liberals to nullify those votes, and to restrict the admission of the Army into the great cities. Prince Bismarck rules, and admits he rules, through the Federal Coun-tary Upper House to be overcome. cil, and consequently the first aspiration is no passionate love for the States as of all German Liberals will be to remodel such to be subdued. The Reichstag is althe constitution of that body. The mo- ready elected by direct universal suffrage. ment the war is over, and Germans have The Federal Council would then be elected time to consider internal politics, reform by a suffrage twice distilled, and as the in the mode of electing the Council will Emperor possesses as such no veto, Gerbecome the universal cry, and will be ac- many would, to all practical purposes, be cepted in this State and successful in that a Federal Republic under an Imperial flag. until the Council has become the equiva- We do not say that such a change is likely lent of a Senate. In the smaller States to be rapid, for Germany has just now too there will be no need of insurrection. many temptations to avoid internal change, Their entire history proves that their to stereotype institutions, which to her Kings cannot always resist a general de- must appear to have secured the headship mand, they are bound to some extent to of Europe, but we do say that the great act by the advice of their Parliaments, Chancellor may yet discover that he was

premature in exulting over his strongest | the popularis aura as well as the Imperial instrument. It is a good machine and a volition, and wind has this advantage over strong, so good and so strong that it may steam, that it costs the workmen nothbe driven by wind as well as steam, bying.