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ber of wage-workers. Changes of this sort tend to confirm the socialist theory of economic evolution, and are favorable to socialist propaganda. Nor has the opportunity been neglected. Efforts to organize the rural workers on the basis of socialist principles have been active and widespread, and have met with considerable success, especially among the woodcutters and the vineyard laborers. To counteract this movement an association has been formed which aims to include all agricultural laborers of every description, and there have also been organized mixed unions of proprietors and wage-earners; but they are both too young to justify predictions concerning their future. Another evil that has resulted from the introduction of machinery is a decrease of rural employment, and a consequent migration of large numbers to the cities. Moreover, many of those who remain are obliged at certain seasons of the year to find work elsewhere. In the interests of these latter Catholic associations have been formed which provide insurance, prevent exploitation, and strive to keep the absent workers in touch with their homes.

But the greatest institution that exists in France for the improvement of rural life is that of the "jardins ouvriers," or workingmen's gardens. Realizing that the unoccupied land in the vicinity of his town (Fourmies) could be made to supplement the insufficient earnings of the urban laborers, the Abbé Gruson bought, in March, 1900, 75 ares, called together 28 heads of families, and informed them that they could have equal shares of this tract if they would do their best to cultivate it for the benefit of their families. The men heard the announcement gladly, but hesitated, evidently fearing that they would be expected to attend Mass and to vote for the cure's candidates at the municipal elections. They were promptly reassured: "To assist at Mass on Sunday is for Catholics a grave obligation. As your pastor I am bound to call your attention to that obligation as often as occasion presents itself. If you heed my directions you do right; if you do not heed them you do wrong. But I shall not on that account deprive you of your garden; for, whether or not you fulfill your religious duties, you have always

the same need of vegetables" (p. 151). The offer was accepted, the project was successfully carried out, more land was bought and more gardens established, until in 1905 they numbered at Fourmies alone 450, and were providing an important portion of the livelihood of 2,300 persons. The total number of persons benefited throughout France by jardins ouvriers had in the same year reached 45,000. Furthermore, the Abbé Gruson found that the health, morals, and religious attitude of his people were not less favorably affected than their material conditions. By means of this enterprise he has got into contact with the members of his flock, disarmed prejudices, and considerably increased the number of those who are not merely nominal but practical Catholics.

Another curé, whose modesty prevents the author from mentioning his name, founded a number of rural savings banks in a community that was hostile to both Church and priest. This was at Saint-Acheul. At the Sunday Mass there were present a few women and children but not one man, and every day salutations of the good curé were scarcely ever returned by any member of his flock. Yet, as soon as the advantages of the banks had been made clear and their success assured, the people began to realize that their pastor was truly interested in their welfare, and many of them returned to the practices of their religion.

When the Abbé Tervaux was sent to the parish of VielleLoye he found religion at the very lowest ebb. Realizing that he could do nothing in a religious way until he had won the good will and confidence of the people, he set about to become acquainted with their material conditions and needs. As a result of his investigation, energy, and initiative there have been established in that community a co-operative society whose members are enabled to purchase goods at a considerable reduction, a mutual insurance society, cheap medical assistance, a rural bank, and a co-operative creamery. The inhabitants realize that all these benefits are due to their curé, and no longer regard him as useless. They have not all become practi

cal Catholics, but the number of these latter is constantly increasing.

The experience of these zealous priests indicates one method by which many of the irreligious and indifferent communities of France (and of other countries likewise) may be won back to the Church. Ignorance, misunderstanding, and prejudice, rather than brutishness, malevolence, or radical unbelief,-are mainly responsible for these defections. The majority of those who have fallen away are neither aggressively hostile to religion, nor unresponsive to efforts made on their behalf by the clergy. As Professor Turman observes, they demand proofs that the interest of the priest in them does not arise exclusively from political or ecclesiastical motives. When their hearts and their gratitude have been won through services that they are capable of appreciating material services,-they will be in a mood to listen to appeals in the name of religion. This program is neither simple nor easy. It requires tact, self-sacrifice, and the courage to persevere in the face of numerous discouragements and failures. But the examples cited by M. Turman show that the effort will be justified by the results. Many of the priests of France, and other priests who are not French, probably regard the organization of rural banks and co-operative purchasing societies as entirely outside of the sacerdotal sphere. Undoubtedly it is-where conditions are normal. The priest must take people as he finds them. If the conditions are abnormal the methods of regaining the people will likewise have to be abnormal. In such cases the priest is in reality a missionary to the unbelieving, or at least to the incredulous, and is under the necessity of using the extraordinary methods that are adopted by the true missionary everywhere. His first duty is to break down prejudices and establish an understanding between himself and the people whom he desires to convert. He must enable them to rediscover him. If, as we are frequently assured, the first step toward this end in the religiously indifferent communities of France will only be taken when the curé comes out of the sacristy, the step can take no surer form than that of social activities and services. Moreover, they are

most effective and badly needed works of Christian charity; consequently they are in themselves altogether worthy of the best efforts of Christ's priesthood.

So much for the six chapters that compose the second part of Professor Turman's work. The third part begins with a description of the semaines sociales, or "social weeks," conference weeks, which are held once every year. At these meetings lectures are given and discussions are carried on during six days on both the theory and practice of social activity. The institution was originated by the Volksverein in Germany, and is largely responsible for the widespread and increasing interest taken in social problems by the clergy and laity of that country. It was adopted in France in 1904 by the Catholics of Lyons. The semaine sociale for 1905 was held at Orleans, for 1906 at Dijon, and for 1907 at Amiens. The topics discussed at the Amiens conference will give some notion of the work:

"Are there Christian Principles in Social Economics?" by the Abbé Antoine.

66

Purpose of Use of Natural Goods," by the Abbé
Calippe.

"The Social Sense and the Formation of the Christian
Conscience," by the Abbé Six.

"The Wage-Contract and the Labor-Contract," by E. Duthoit.

"The Demands of Justice with Regard to Wage-Conditions," by A. Boissard.

"Monopolistic Combinations of Production," by M. Tur

man.

"The Present State of Labor Legislation in France," by
M. Lecoq.

The Social Action of the Church in History," by G.
Kurth.

"Catholic and Social Notes on the Cathedral of Amiens,"
by J. Brunhes.

Religious Progress and Social Progress," by the Abbé
Sertillanges.

The Catholic social reformers of France have not hesitated to import ideas from other countries than Germany. From the United States they have adopted the organization known as "the consumers' league." The first ligue sociale d'acheteurs was established in Paris in 1902. As in America, its membership is confined to no one class, but is open to all who are purchasers of goods. Prominent in its program is the recommendation that members who happen to be employers should treat the latter humanely. M. Turman is quite correct when he observes that this action is far from being superfluous; for many who are sincerely desirous of helping to abolish social evils overlook the opportunities of effecting reforms in their every-day relations with those about them. Occupied with large schemes of social betterment, and with the responsibility of their neighbor, they neglect their own responsibility and the reform of themselves. The principal method of the French association is like that of its American prototype: it investigates the conditions of employment in commercial and industrial establishments, circulates a "white list" of those that treat their employees fairly, and urges its friends to patronize these. It studies, moreover, the needs and conditions of certain special classes of workers, for example, domestic servants. Many of these, particularly in Paris, work in dark kitchens, and occupy rooms that are insufficiently furnished with air, heat, and light. The league then draws up a second "white list," containing the names of those householders who provide humane conditions for their servants. Branches of the league have been established at Toulouse, Rennes, Marseilles, Dijon, and other places in France, as well as in Holland, Belgium, Switzerland, and Italy.

The ligue sociale d'acheteurs is yet too young to furnish grounds for predictions concerning its future. At least two serious obstacles impede its way to general success. In the first place, the reforms that it aims at require personal activity and sacrifices in the every day relations of life. The average person finds it comparatively easy to engage in social activity when its objects are remote and its demands upon him merely the payment of moderate contributions, and when he is still

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