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35TH CONG...1ST SESS.

statesman well informed on this subject, that he believes that the Lecompton constitution is the will and voice of the majority of the people of Kansas? I speak merely of the question of numbers, not of the question of legality, because I have disposed of that.

Mr. PEYTON. I shall answer your question fairly and properly.

Mr. UNDERWOOD. I know you will. Mr. PEYTON. The remark which I made in regard to the nine thousand six hundred votes was for the purpose of calling my colleague's attention to this fact, that out of the ten thousand two hundred and fifty votes polled on the 4th of January, nine thousand six hundred votes were polled in registered counties where six thousand votes had been polled in favor of the Lecompton constitution.

Mr. UNDERWOOD. I only asked you your opinion, whether you believe the Lecompton constitution was the will and voice of the majority of the people of Kansas, and whether the votes in its favor were fraudulent or not?

Mr. PEYTON. That is my opinion. I frankly tell you now that I do not know who has the majority. The list received is sufficient to satisfy me that the contest is a close one, and I have no idea that the anti-Lecomptonites have such an overwhelming majority as they claim.

Mr. UNDERWOOD. While my friend may thus remain in doubt, the authentic documents produced before the Congress of the United States, and which have been heretofore adverted to by many a speaker, satisfy my mind, and remove all doubt as to what the will of the people of Kansas is in respect to that constitution; and that is, that they are preeminently against the Lecompton constitution.

Thus stand the facts; and the naked question is, shall we admit Kansas into the Union at the instance and request of two thousand nine hundred and thirty-seven of her people, or shall we not admit her at the like instance and request of ten thousand two hundred and twenty-six? If figures could decide it, it seems to me easy of solution. If the sublime truths which underlie the American Republics, whereby majorities govern in their organic laws, it seems to me the question is easy of solution. But we are told that the vote on the 4th of January came too late. Too late for what? Too late to tell us what the people of Kansas willed? Certainly not.

Admission of Kansas-Mr. Hoard.

tution contrary to the well-known wishes of her
people. This, if ever done, will first be done in ||
Kansas. Her people have expressed, in every
form they can command, their determined op-
position to the Lecompton constitution. A major-
ity of nearly ten thousand of her people tell you
not to accept it as the fundamental organic law of
the State; her Legislature, by a unanimous vote,
beseeches you not to do so; and even the officers
elected under the Lecompton constitution itself
protest against your so doing:

"We, the officers elected under said constitution, do most
respectfully and earnestly pray your honorable bodies not to
admit Kansas into the Union under said constitution, and
thus force upon an unwilling people an organic law against
their express will, and in violation of every principle of pop-
ular government."

HO. OF REPS.

purpose of presenting the free-State view of the questions now agitating the country, as I understand it, truthfully and frankly. With little preparation and less experience, I can only hope, in a desultory manner, to perform a task which I regret has not been undertaken by the ablest and most experienced member from the free States.

There is a misapprehension, or else a studied misrepresentation, of the sentiments and intentions of the free States, by those who have spoken from the slave States during this discussion; and, as I hope that no one desires to add to the present excitement by misrepresentations, I am persuaded that they do misapprehend the facts. It is our first duty to endeavor, by frank and full interchange of opinions, to ascertain wherein the real difference between us exists; and then we can agree, or differ, as men. To accomplish this, we must lay aside the tricks of politicians, the techappear to be out of place in adjusting difficulties between members of the same family-proprietors having a common interest in the welfare and destiny of the Government and the country. Certainly, if we could forget our party prejudices for a few days, and enter upon the discussion of the questions before us with a desire to come to some just conclusions, we could either agree upon some mode of settling present difficulties, and avoiding, in the future, such controversies, or, failing to do that, we could determine not to agree, and come to the responsibility before us deliberately and calmly. These angry debates, these imputations, threats, and recriminations, are neither pleasant nor profitable; and they do not add luster to our reputation as national legislators, or dignity to the American Congress.

Signed by the Governor, Lieutenant Governor, Secretary of State, State Treasurer, and Auditor. Against these solemn and earnest appeals why should we seek to admit her under the Lecomp-nicalities of law, and the arts of diplomacy, which ton constitution? Above all, why should the South seek to admit her? What will we gain by it? Mr. Chairman, we shall gain a loss. We shall set instructions, which, being taught, may return to plague the inventors. This will inevitably be the case in regard to the new theories now inculcated for the ready overthrow of constitutions, by the unrestrained fiat of majorities. We show ourselves, perhaps, willing to extend our peculiar institution against the will of the majority of those amongst whom we would carry it, giving the majority opposed to us, should they have power, pretexts for disregarding our right and our property. But if these consequences did not follow, we gain no foothold for our slaves in Kansas, since the advocates of admission under the Lecompton constitution themselves tell the people there that they may turn slavery out as soon as you get the constitution in. I would have the South play no such paltry game. I would rejoice to have Kansas a slave State, if she could be permanently so with the consent of her people. I will not violate the general principles of free government, whereby the American people are authorized to establish their own institutions in their own way, for the paltry advantage of having Kansas forced into the Union under the Lecompton constitution as a slave State for a moment, to be scorned and kicked out instantly thereafter, and forever.

But we are told that the admission of Kansas under the Lecompton constitution will localize the slavery excitement and give peace to the country.

I believe this to be one of the profoundest delusions that ever presented itself to an intelligent mind. Leave a people free to settle their own institutions, and they cannot long remain excited. Restrain them, and it is the inevitable outbreak of the American heart, North and South and everywhere, to resist you. I believe in my conscience that to force the Lecompton constitution upon the people of Kansas against their consent, expressed in so many forms as I have shown you, will be to sound the tocsin for a wilder and deeper and far more pervading popular commotion than any you have ever known. It will not be confined to Kansas; but, rolling from its level plains, it will sweep through the northwestern prairies and the mountains of New England, until every hamlet and village and town and county will be instinct with excitement.

It cannot be the desire of any friend of the Union that the action of Congress, on the question before the country, shall tend to aggravate present difficulties; and, therefore, a question of this character should not be made a party test, or settled by a party vote. Can the President imagine that any party has a higher interest in the welfare of the country than the people have? Why, then, not leave the Representatives free to act and vote as they please, responsible only to their constituents for the manner in which they shall discharge this high trust?

The people of the free States are opposed to slavery. There may be a few individuals in the free States that do not concur in the general sentiment; but it is nevertheless proper to say, that the people there are opposed to the institution. This opposition is not confined to any political party, to any class in society, to any sect or denomination. It pervades the whole people, and is as universal there as Christianity. The institution of slavery is looked upon as a moral, social, and political evil of great magnitude. It is discussed in its various aspects at the altar, at the fireside, at the hustings, and on the stump. We have abolished it by law; and we look upon that action as furnishing one of the strongest elements of our prosperity, and as the cause of our more rapid advancement in wealth and general improve

ment.

But we are told that it was irregular and revolutionary for them to have expressed their will in any other form, or at any other time, than in the form and manner directed in the Lecompton constitution itself. That is remarkable; for it gives to the Lecompton constitution validity before it assumes to possess it-makes it the law before it is accepted by Congress; and assumes For the people of a Territory, in their colonial or dependent condition, the power, whenever they see proper, to call a convention, to make absolute aws, supplanting, by their own mere forte, the preexisting authority exercised by the Territorial Legislature established by Congress, and without he consent of Congress. But, again, is not this still more remarkable, as coming from those same Lecomptonites who contend, even after their onstitution has successfully passed through all he forms of law, been ratified by the people, and pproved by Congress, that immediately therefter the people may disregard all its provisions regard to its alteration or amendment, and hange, alter, or abolish it at pleasure; and yet, efore the constitution is established, while it is et in fieri or the progress of establishment, that me people can do no act to arrest it. Mr. Chairman, both these propositions cannot e true, and common sense has but little difficulty determining which is true. I have already own that there is no such legality in the proedings which led to the formation of the Lecompan constitution as estops the Congress. Indeed, SPEECH OF HỌN. CHAS. B. HOARD, and in the ordinary course of things must create

r, Congress, in the admission of new States, has us far been limited by few rules of legality, techcality, or form. It has acted upon the various ses according to the facts which attended them, er carrying out the will of the people of the new ate, howeverexpressed or however ascertained. e thing the Congress has never done, and that to admit a State into the Union under a constiNEW SERIES-No. 18.

On the contrary, do justice to Kansas; do not to her what you would not have done to yourselves; encompass her not with nice technicalities of law; but suffer her people to speak and act their will; extend to them, in fact, what you profess to extend to all in theory-the right to regulate their domestic institutions in their own way-and, my life for it, peace will prevail from one end of our beloved country to the other.

ADMISSION OF KANSAS.

OF NEW YORK,

IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,
March 30, 1858.

The House being in the Committee of the Whole on the
state of the Union-

Mr. HOARD said:

Mr. CHAIRMAN: I have sought the floor for the

We have noticed the advancement of neighboring States, apparently equal in natural advantages; and in no single instance has the State in which slavery exists kept pace with the States which are free. In schools, in churches, in libraries, in manufactures, in roads, in canals, in commerce, in domestic peace and security, in agriculture and in wealth, (upon soil where the natural advantages are equal,) the free States uniformly excel. We believe that slavery degrades labor wherever it exists; and therefore free laborers will not live in a slave State, or emigrate to a slave Territory.

The free States have already twice as much population as the slave States, and therefore require, upon every rule of equity, twice as much territory for surplus population as the slave States;

free States twice as rapidly as you can under the same rules create slave States. In addition to this, the interests of all foreign emigration go with the free States, which, added to the migration of free-State men from the slave States, would probably require, on terms of perfect equity, three fourths of the territory, or three free States, to one slave State. With what propriety, then, or

35TH CONG.... 1ST SESS.

with what show of fair intention to adhere to the principle of equality of rights, can you ask to keep pace with the free States in political power, or in representation in any department of the Government? If you desire to keep a perpetual balance of power between liberty and slavery, that would be a denial of equality of popular rights, and would place northern freemen in an inferior position to southern freemen. If you expect the free States to consent to such a proposition, you will certainly be disappointed. The demand would be offensive, and compliance with it would be humiliating. The idea of a balance of power between opposite interests like liberty and slavery, to promote peace and quiet, is clearly delusive. It would perpetuate the discord which has existed ever since the slave States entered upon that policy, and it would terminate in open hostility. Formerly, you only asked to be let alone in the States-you demanded "State rights." More than this you cannot justly expect; less than this, you could not with honor submit to. Upon that ground you are impregnable; on any other, you will be overthrown.

It

If our opinions on the subject of slavery are wrong, we answer that your best men have been our teachers; and I beg leave here to call your attention to some of their opinions, in connection with other authorities, that you may the better understand how inbred the sentiment is, and how hopeless the effort must be to remove or change it, by any of the means thus far resorted to. is, I know, deeply regretted by all in the free States, that this cause of difference and difficulty exists to disturb the harmony and happiness of the country; and if any of you really believe that this excitement and ill feeling is congenial to usthat we cherish, and desire to continue it-you do us great injustice. But to the testimony:

Opinions of Washington.

"I hope it will not be conceived from these observations that it is my wish to hold the unhappy people who are the subject of this letter, in slavery. I can only say, that there is not a man living who wishes more sincerely than I do, to see some plan adopted for the abolition of it; but there is only one proper and effectual method by which it can be accomplished, and that is, by the legislative authority; and this, as far as my suffrage will go, shall not be wanting.”— Letter to Robert Morris.

"The benevolence of your heart, my dear Marquis, is so conspicuous on all occasions, that I never wouder at fresh proofs of it; but your late purchase of an estate in the colony of Cayenne, with a view of emancipating the slaves, is a generous and noble proof of your humanity. Would to God a like spirit might diffuse itself generally into the mind of the people of this country! But I despair of seeing it. Some petitions were presented to the Assembly at its last session for the abolition of slavery: but they could scarcely obtain a hearing."-Letter to La Fayette.

"I never mean, unless some particular circumstance should compel me to it, to possess another slave by purchase, it being among my first wishes to see some plan adopted by which slavery in this country may be abolished by law."-Letter to J. F. Mercer.

Opinions of Jefferson.

"And with what execration should the statesman be loaded who, permitting one half of the citizens thus to trample on the rights of the other, transforms these into despots, and those into enemies, destroys the morals of the one part, and the love of country of the other. For if a slave can have a country in this world, it must be any other in preference to that in which he is born to live and labor for another; in which he must lock up the faculties of his nature, contribute, as far as depends on his individual endeavors, to the evanishment of the human race, or entail his own miserable condition on the endless generations proceeding from him." "And can the liberties of a nation be thought secure when we have removed their only firm basis -a conviction in the minds of the people that these liberties are the gift of God; that they are not to be violated but with his wrath. Indeed, I tremble for my country when I reflect that GOD IS JUST; that his justice cannot SLEEP FOREVER; that, considering numbers, nature, and natural means only, a revolution of the wheel of fortune, an exchange of situation is among possible events; that it may become probable BY SUPERNATURAL INTERFERENCE! The Almighty has no attribute which can take side with us in such a contest.

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"What an incomprehensible machine is man? Who can endure toil, famine, stripes, imprisonment, and even death itself, in vindication of his own liberty, and the next moment be deaf to all those motives whose power supported him through his trial, and inflict on his fellow man a bondage, one hour of which is fraught with more misery than ages of that which he rose in rebellion to oppose? But we must wait with patience the workings of an overruling Providence, and hope that that is preparing the deliverance of these, our suffering brethen. When the measure of their tears shall be full-[Has not the Supreme Court, in declaring that these persons have no rights, filled that measure to overflowing?] when their tears shall have involved heaven itself in darkness, [what ray of hope remains to those people, since the ministers of justice have solemnly declared that they have no rights?] doubtless a God of justice will awaken to their distress, and by diffusing light and liberality among their oppressors, or, at length, by his EXTERMINAT

Admission of Kansas-Mr. Hoard.

ING THUNDER, manifest his attention to things of this world."
-Notes on Virginia.

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"The sentiments breathed through the whole do honor
both to the head and the heart of the writer. Mine, on the
subject of the slavery of negroes, have long since been in
possession of the public, and time has only served to give
them stronger root. The love of justice and the love of
country plead equally the cause of these people, and it is a
moral reproach to us that they should have pleaded so long
in vain. Nursed and educated in the daily habit of seeing
the degraded condition of those unfortunate beings, but not
reflecting that that degradation was very much the work of
themselves and their fathers, few minds have yet doubted
but that they were as legitimate subjects of property as their
horses or cattle!"
"I had always
hoped that the younger generation, receiving their early im-
pressions after the flame of liberty had been kindled in every
breast, and had become, as it were, the vital spirit of every
American, would have sympathized with oppression where-
ever found, and proved their love of liberty beyond their
own share of it. Your solitary but welcome voice is the
first which has brought this sound to my ear; yet the hour
of emancipation is advancing in the march of time. The
enterprise is for the young-for those who can follow it up
and bear it through to its consummation. It shall have my
prayers; and these are the only weapons of an old man."
-Letter to Edward Cole, Esq.

No one can doubt that Jefferson, in the pre-
ceding opinions, referred to African slavery, how-
ever anxious men of this day are to controvert
that opinion.

Opinion of Patrick Henry.

"Would any one believe that I am master of slaves, of my own purchase! I am drawn along by the general inconvenience of living here without them. I WILL NOT, I CANNOT JUSTIFY IT. However culpable my conduct, I will so far pay iny devoir to virtue as to own the excellence and rectitude of her precepts, and lament my want of conformity to them. I believe a time will come when an opportunity will be offered to abolish this lamentable evil. Let us transmit to our descendants, together with our slaves, a pity for their unhappy lot, AND OUR ABHORRENCE FOR SLAVERY!" -Letter to Robert Pleasants.

Who, of Patrick Henry's descendants, have this inheritance?

Opinion of James Monroe.

"We have found that this evil [slavery] has preyed upon the very vitals of the Union; and lias been prejudicial to all the States in which it has existed."-Speech in Virginia Convention.

Opinion of William Pinkney.

"Sir, iniquitous, and most dishonorable to Maryland, is that dreary system of partial bondage which her laws have hitherto supported with a solicitude worthy of a better object, and her citizens by their practice continued.

"Founded in a disgraceful trajic, its continuance is as SHAMELESS as its origin.

"ETERNAL INFAMY awaits the abandoned miscreants whose selfish souls could ever prompt them to rob unhappy Africa of her sons, and freight them hither by thousands, to poison the fair EDEN OF LIBERTY with the rank weed of

BONDAGE!

"But wherefore should we confine the edge of censure to our ancestors, or those from whom they purchased? Are not we EQUALLY guilty? They strewed around the seeds of slavery; we cherish and sustain the growth. Yes, let it be handed down to posterity that the people of Maryland, who could fly to arms with the promptitude of Roman citizens, when the hand of oppression was lifted against themselves; who could behold their country desolated, and the citizens slaughtered; who could brave, with unshaken firmness, every calamity of war before they would submit to the smallest infringement of their rights-that this very people could yet see thousands of their fellow-creatures, within the limits of their own territory, bending beneath an unnatural yoke.

"For shame, sir: let us throw off the mask; it is a cnbweb one at best, and the world will see through it. It will not do thus to talk like philosophers, and act like UNRELENTING TYRANTS; to be perpetually sermonizing, with liberty for our text, and actual oppression for our commentary! Here have emigrants from a land of tyranny found an asylum from persecution; and here, also, have those who come as rightfully free as the winds of heaven, found an eternal grave for the liberties of themselves and their posterity!

"In the name of God, should we not attempt to wipe away this stigma! Survey the countries, sir, where the hand of fredom conducts the plowshare, and compare their produce with yours; your granaries, in this view, appear like the storehouse of emmets, though not supplied with equal industry. The cause and the effect are too obvious to escape observation."-Speech in Maryland House of Delegates.

Opinion of John Randolph.

"Dissipation, as well as power or prosperity, hardens the heart; but avarice deadens it to every feeling but the thirst for riches. Avarice alone could have produced the slave trade. Avarice alone can drive, and does drive, this infernal traffic, and the wretched victims of it, like so many posthorses, whipped to death in a mail coach. Ambition has its cover-sluts in the pride, pomp, and circumstance of glorious war; but where are the trophies of avarice? The handcuff, the manacle, and blood-stained cowhide!"-Southern Literary Messenger.

"Virginia is so impoverished by the system of slavery, that the tables will sooner or later be turned, and the slaves will advertise for runaway masters."

I envy the head heart of that man

from the North who rises here to defend slavery upon prim

ciple."-Rebuke of Edward Everett in Congress.

"I give to my slaves their freedom, to which my conscience tells me they are justly entitled. It has a long time been a matter of the deepest regret to me that the circum

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Opinion of Thomas J. Randolph.

"The gentleman has appealed to the Christian religion in justification of slavery. I would ask him upon what part of those pure doctrines does he rely; to which of those sublime precepts does he advert to sustain his position? Is it that which teaches justice, charity, and good-will to all, or is it that which teaches that you do unto others as you would they should do unto you?"-Speech in the Virginia Legislature.

Opinion of Governor Randolph, of Virginia. "We have been far outstripped by States to whom nature has been far less bountiful. It is painful to consider what might have been, under other circumstances, the amount of general wealth in Virginia."-Address to the Legislature of Virginia, 1820.

Opinion of Mr. Brodnax.

"That slavery in Virginia is an evil, it would be more than idle for any human being to doubt or deny. It is a mldew which has blighted every region it has touched from the creation of the world. Illustrations from the history of other countries, and other times, might be instructive; but we have evidence nearer at home, in the short bistories of the different States of this great Confederacy, which are impressive in their admonitions and conclusive in their character."-Speech in the Virginia Legislature, 1832.

Opinion of Mr. Custis.

"The prosperity and aggrandizement of a State is to be seen in its increase of inhabitants, and consequent progress in industry and wealth. Of the vast tide of emigration which now rushes like a cataract to the West, not even a trickling rill winds its way to the ancient dominion. Of the multitude of foreigners who daily seek an asylum and home in the empire of liberty, how many turn their steps to the region of the slave? None. No, not one. There is a malaria in the atmosphere of these regions which the new comer shuns, as poisonous to his views and habits. See the wide ruin which the avarice of our ancestral Government has produced in the South, as witnessed in a sparse population of freemen, deserted habitations, and fields without culture. Strange to tell, even the wolf, driven back long since by the approach of man, now returns, after a lapse of a hundred years, to howl over the desolations of slavery." Opinion of Mr. Faulkner.

"I am gratified to perceive that no gentleman has yet risen in this Hall the avowed advocate of slavery. If there be one who concurs with the gentleman from Brunswick (Mr. Gholson] in the harmless character of this institution, let me request him to compare the condition of the slaveholding portion of this Commonwealth-barren, desolate, and seared as it were by the avenging hand of Heaven, with the descriptions which we have of this same country from those who first broke its virgin soil. To what is this change as cribable? Alone to the withering and blasting effects of sla very. If this does not satisfy him, let me request him to extend his travels to the northern States of this Union, and beg him to contrast the happiness and contentment which prevail throughout the country; the busy and cheerful sound of industry; the rapid and swelling growth of their popula tion; the means and institutions of education; their skill and proficiency in the useful arts; their enterprise and public spirit; the monuments of their manufacturing and commercial industry; and above all, their devoted attachment to the Government from which they derive their protection; with the division, discontent, indolence, and poverty of the southern country."

Such were the opinions of some of the wisest, purest, and most experienced southern statesmen and patriots, whose disciples we profess to be, on the subject of slavery. I had collected, for insertion here, numerous other extracts, of similar tenor, from other southern gentlemen, which time and space both seem to forbid. I had also collected numerous texts from the Bible in support of the free-State sentiment, in reply to quotations that have been made here to support slavery; but I will content myself with simple reference to them. Leviticus, xxiv., 22. Deuteronomy, xxiii., 15, 16. Psalms, ix., 18; x., 2; xii., 5, 6; lxxii., 4. Isaiah, iii., 15; v., 20; lviii., 6. Proverbs, iii., 3; xiv., 31; xxii., 22, 23. Jeremiah, xxxiv., 16, 17. Matthew, vii., 2, 12. Luke, x., 36, 37. Acts, xvii., 26. Hebrews, xiii., 3. Galatians, v., 14, 15. Ephesians, vi., 9. 1 Timothy, vi., 10. Revelations, xiii., 10.

The foregoing statements, opinions, and authorities, have fully convinced us of the correci ness of our ideas as to the character and influ ences of slavery, and of our course in abolishing it. If you have turned a deaf ear to these teachings and warnings of our Washingtons, our Jef fersons, our Henrys, our Franklins, our Monroes,

our Pinkneys, our Randolphs, our Clays, our Faulkners, and many others who spoke in like manner, and still prefer to remain in your bonds, whilst we have profited by their teachings, and

evidence et the wisdom of those patriots, we can only regret

your determination, and hope that time will work out a change of opinion. Virginia had a posi

3

35TH CONG.... 1ST SESS.

tion in advance of any of the States that are free, with a better soil and climate, and yet she has lagged behind in the march of prosperity. To what influence can you attribute your relative decadence, but to slavery? To our action upon that subject we attribute our greater prosperity. It was consistent with the doctrines of our Declaration of Independence. Heaven smiled upon us, and we have pursued our prosperous way re=joicing.

Now, with these opinions of the blighting effects of slavery upon the material prosperity of any State or Territory which maintains it, and especially in a climate where free white labor seeks employment, and our conviction of its moral and social wrong, can you expect us to approve of its extension-nay, to aid such extension, by our votes and action? Can an evil be extended into our Territories, and the majority not be morally responsible for action or inaction? If you believe us sincere in our opposition to slavery, then can you respect us if we do not on all proper occasions, maintain that opposition? Change places with us, and would you be more tolerant than we have been? If you believed of slavery, as we do, that it blights the land that is touched by it; that it retards development and civilization; that it is an evil and a wrong; then would you consent to its extension where you had the constitutional power to prevent it?

With regard to slavery in the States, we have no difficulty; and the slave-States need entertain no fears of any free-State interference. There never was any danger of any such intervention. The citizens of the free-States, with few and unimportant exceptions, can find in the Constitution sufficient authority to relieve them from any responsibility for slavery in the States. We regret the infatuation with which you cling to the incubus that prevents your advancement, because we desire your highest prosperity; but we have no desire to intermeddle with your prerogatives.

But, in the Territories, the case is, in our opinion, entirely different. The Territories being the common property of the States, must necessarily be under the rightful control of Congress, unless the power is delegated by it to some other authority. It is known of all men that such was the common opinion of all sections and parties until very recently, and that the Government long practiced upon it with the concurrence of all the departments, and without any protest from any State in the Union. We are loyal to the Constitution as we understand it; and we certainly do understand it as it was understood and practiced upon by all the early Presidents and statesmen, including many who participated in making the Constituion. The contradictory opinions of statesmen, and of the Supreme Court, are all of late date, and have an unquestionable partisan (if not sectional) || origin and character. That they may be considred just and correct by the South, which desired hem beforehand, I can well imagine; but at the same time they carry no conviction to the free States.

If the opinion of the court had preceded the poitical necessity which seemed to demand it, and ad been given upon a case requiring that point to e decided, instead of being volunteered, (just at time when party necessity required it,) then the ree States, if they could not have concurred in he opinion, might have respected the court. This s one of the very worst features of the whole quesion, because, when the court ceases to be respected by the people, it is thenceforth powerless for good s well as for evil. To aid a political party, they ave thrown their official reputation into the party cales, where it has not the weight of a feather, nd thereby lost the confidence and respect of a arge proportion of the people.

Plausible and satisfactory as that opinion of the ourt is to you, can you reasonably expect us, nder the circumstances, to regard it with favor, r treat it with respect? It is opposed to longstablished ideas, which the same court, with other departments of the Government, have racticed upon ever since our national existence. The opinion was not concurred in by the whole Durt; and, as it was not called for by the case resented, it is certainly obnoxious to the suspion that the judges forgot their judicial dignity d duty in a desire to contribute the weight of

Admission of Kansas-Mr. Hoard.

their opinion to the settlement of a troublesome question.

Ho. OF REPs.

in the broken and shivered, yet still illustrious, Senator, who, believing that vengeance belongeth to the Lord, who would repay it, has not returned evil for evil!

Much has been said this session about Kansas, and many seem to think that in the settlement of that question is centered the destiny not only of parties, but of the country. I do not desire to detract from the importance of questions connected with the admission of Kansas, but I do say that that is not the great question before the country, nor can its settlement, in the manner recommended by the Administration, possibly produce that peace to the country which all patriots so devoutly pray for. Nay, sir, it would not only fail to produce peace, but it certainly would be a sword drawn against peace.

Your speakers here always characterize slavery as an institution of negro labor and servitude only. Can you defend its other features, or explain why the slave States do not endeavor to correct the evils that are connected with it, that wound so deeply our sympathies? As "negroes of pure African blood, whose ancestors were brought here and sold as slaves," are the only persons whom the Supreme Court, in their opinion, have decided to have no rights that white men are bound to respect, pray tell us where you find authority to say that certain females, who are advertised as having blue eyes, light, straight hair, and fair complexions, have no rights that white men are bound to respect? Or, if you admit that such persons have || rights, what are they, and why do not your Chris- This whole Kansas question is one of a series tian societies and your laws protect them? Can of acts all tending to the same end, and which, you justify the practice of treating such persons when taken as a whole, are of sufficient magnitude as you would an African of pure blood? Have to engage the attention of Congress and the counyou made any efforts, or expressed any desire to try, not for a few weeks only, but for months, and regard their rights as superior to the rights of per-years even, if thereby we can come to a just consons of pure African blood?

You have told us often in debate-and the same declaration is commonly used in defense of slavery-that slavery is a boon to the negro, and that our sympathies are entirely misdirected. In answering this, we ask you to explain to us why, then, you grant a slave his freedom as a reward for extraordinary services? Is this the way that you testify your gratitude? If you believed that slavery was a boon to the African, would you take it from him under pretense of granting him a favor? Pretending to testify your gratitude, would you give these unfortunate persons a scorpion instead of a fish? nay, would you give them a scorpion in exchange for a fish? How often do we read of slaveholders, in making their last will and testament, when the vanities of time and the realities of eternity are presented to them, granting freedom to their slaves, with expressions of regret that they had ever held them? This is a strange commentary upon the sincerity of such as hold that slavery is a boon. If slaveholders believed that slavery was really a boon, they would devote their property-if they desired to testify their interest in the welfare of the negroto bringing them from Africa to be blessed with servitude! Has any charitable southron done this? This suggests another defense of African slavery, urged mainly by professing Christians: that it is one of God's appointed means of Christianizing the heathen. This appears very plausible; but, I desire to inquire, how many Christian generations of an individual heathen ought to be held in bondage to compensate for Christianizing their

ancestor?

clusion, and an amicable adjustment of difficulties.

Step by step the country has been, for many years, approaching the present point of acknowledged danger, and each one (as in this instance) has been urged upon us as the one that would bring to us our long-lost but ardently desired public quiet. Thus far, however, each step taken in that hope, instead of producing the promised quiet, has only served as an apology for the next, still less satisfactory, demand. Whatever might have been the result of the longer continuance of the Missouri compromise, we know not; but this we do know, that the present Kansas controversy, with its long and aggravating story of frauds and wrongs, has grown out of the act repealing that compromise. It had been kept for more than third of a century, and its only remaining effect, in favor of the free States, was confined to the Kansas and Nebraska Territories. If let alone, in a very few years its influence in their favor would have ceased by its own limitation, and just the same practical result would have followed in Kansas and Nebraska, as all now concede, must follow the triumph of the popular will in those Territories. This result was foreseen and acknowledged by southern statesmen who supported that measure.

What then, thus far, has been the fruit of that act which was to settle all controversy in Congress about slavery? Nothing but a wider and wilder alienation of feeling between the two sections of the country, growing out of the new feature involving the right of the people to govern themselves, which has been developed in the Kansas struggle; leaving slavery in the Territory just A few years ago your public men, your Chris- where it would have been had the Missouri comtians, and your press, spoke of this institution as promise remained in force. We have found out, an evil, for the introduction of which you were to be sure, how, when the Congress commits to not responsible, and which you desired to remove, the people of the Territories the right to govern as soon as some judicious and practicable method themselves, the Executive can use the Army and of doing so could be suggested, and matured. the judiciary, in addition to his other powers, to But now you defend it as the core of your heart, oppress and subjugate them. We have found out the apple of your eye, the very foundation, (in that, when Congress abdicates its power in behalf your own expressive language, the "mud-sill"**) of the people, a faithless President can seize it of your political and social existence! But whilst with the grasp of a despot, and wield it with the to you this institution has of late become the ob-heart of a tyrant. We have weighed the strength, ject of so much solicitude, the theme of so much moral, religious, and patriotic devotion; experience, which we regard as the best of teachers, has been impressing more and more indelibly upon our mind, the wisdom of the early patriots in their efforts to limit and circumscribe it; and also the propriety and justice of the following impressive language of the immortal Jefferson, whose teachings, as a lamp to our path, have always served to guide republicans in the way of political duty:

"There must doubtless be an unhappy influence on the manners of our people, produced by the existence of slavery among us. The whole commerce between the master and slave is a perpetual exercise of the most boisterous passions; the most unremitting despotism on the one part, and degrading submission on the other. OUR CHILDREN SEE THIS, AND LEARN TO IMITATE IT. The man must be a prodigy, who can retain his MANNERS AND MORALS UNDEPRAVED by such circumstances."-Notes on Virginia.

Sir, what a commentary upon the institution what a painful proof of its correctness is furnished of slavery is furnished in the above extract; and

* Senator HAMMOND'S Specch on Kansas.

and measured the will and the power, of the contending interests. We have learned that the compromise was useless to us; you have found its repeal to be ashes to you.

But this measure was alleged to be necessary to secure perfect tranquillity, and complete the circle of compromises of 1850, which, it was then discovered, were quite incompatible with the old one of 1820. Its repeal was to secure perfect peace, and "save the Union"-objects of great importance then-which the compromise measures of 1850 had not quite accomplished. Now, no one here can have forgotten that the compromises of 1850 were also inaugurated and passed to save the Union," restore peace to the country, and put forever at rest the slavery agitation; great measures which the annexation of Texas, and the acquisition of Mexican territory, had unexpectedly failed to complete.

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This brings us to a very interesting inquiry about the object of the annexation of Texas. The agitation which grew out of questions connected with the admission of Missouri in 1820 had sub

35TH CONG....1ST SESS.

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Admission of Kansas-Mr. Hoard.

A balance of power appears to have been a ruling idea with the slave States for the last fifteen or

twenty years.

sided. The compromise line of 360 30' as the line
north of which slavery should not exist, estab-
lished by the South against the North, (I speak
of the sections as a whole,) settled the question The foregoing facts settle, beyond any question,
of slavery in all the territory then owned by the the following propositions: that the agitation about
Government. There was trifling agitation on the slavery in the States could not have seriously dis-
general subject of slavery, and some impatience turbed the quiet of the country; that no agitation
was felt by religious societies at the tardiness of could have grown out of that question in the Ter-
their southern brethren in urging upon their peo-ritories then belonging to the Government, be-
ple the sinful nature of the institution. But this cause it was all provided for by laws that were
was always confined to a few persons in the free then regarded as permanent; that no such con-
States, known there as Abolitionists, and never troversy could have existed without the acquisi-
having political power sufficient to disturb the tion of new territory; and that the South, and
most sensitive southern nerves. All parties in the not the North, desired the annexation of Texas,
free States were then, as they are now, and have and the acquisition of Mexican territory. The
at all times been, the firm and consistent advo- South, in carrying out the policy avowed by Mr.
cates of the political right of the States in which Calhoun for promoting southern interests, has
slavery exists, to continue or abolish it as and brought this contest upon the country, and she
when they please.
must bear the responsibility and abide the con-
sequences.

Without the acquisition, then, of new territories, or the abrogation of the ordinance of 1787 or the compromise of 1820, it must be apparent that no aliment for slavery excitement existed, except that of a moral nature, which exists in all the slave States, as well as in the free States, and which we have no political power to restrain. Now, who sought the annexation of Texas, and for what purpose was it desired? This was the beginning of the present agitation, which has increased in volume and bitterness from that time till this. That was the first act of the series, without which there could have been no sectional excitement, because the slavery question was settled in all the Territories by laws which were regarded as irrepealable by all parties.

I shall be able to show that Texas was annexed for the purpose, and with the avowed intention on the part of Mr. Calhoun, who was then Secretary of State, of strengthening and aggrandizing the slave States. And the act of annexation was done in a manner calculated to produce a war with Mexico, which it was known must result in the acquisition of more territory.

I extract the following from the official correspondence between Mr. Calhoun, Secretary of State for the United States, and the British Minister, Mr. Crampton, as germane to this subject -(Senate Ex. Doc., 1843-44, vol. 5, No. 341, pages 50-51:)

*

*

Mr. Calhoun's Letter, April 18, 1844.

A

"It is with still deeper concern the President [Mr. Tyler] regards the avowal of Lord Aberdeen, of the desire of Great Britain to get slavery abolished in Texas, and, as he infers, is endeavoring, through her diplomacy, to accomplish it, by making the abolition of slavery one of the conditions on which Mexico should acknowledge her independence." * "Under this conviction, it is felt to be the imperious duty of the Federal Government, the common representative and protector of the States of the Union, to adopt, in self-defense, the most effectual measures to defeat "The geographical position of Texas would expose the weakest, and most vulnerable portion of our frontier to inroads, and place in the power of Great Britain the most efficient means of effecting in the neighboring States of the Union what she avows to be her desire to do in all countries where slavery exists."

it."

*

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*

*

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* "Acting in obedience to this obligation, on which our Federal system of Government rests, the President directs me to inform you that a treaty has been concluded between the United States and Texas, for the annexation of the latter to the former, as a part of its territory, which will be submitted without delay to the Senate for its approval. This step has been taken as the most effectual, if not the only MEANS OF GUARDING AGAINST THE THREATENED DANGER, and securing their permanent peace and welfare."

Letter from same to same, dated April 27, 1844, page 66. "It was not possible for the President to hear with indifference, the avowal of a policy so hostile in its character, and dangerous in its tendency to the domestic institutions of so many of the States of this Union, and to the safety and prosperity of the whole.

"The measure [the annexation of Texas] was adopted with the mutual consent, and for the mutual and permanent welfare of the two countries interested. It was made necessary, in order to preserve domestic institutions placed under the guarantee of their respective constitutions, and deemed essential to their safety and prosperity."

HO. OF REPS.

could vote for or against Governor until he voted in favor of polygamy: would you call that a fair election of Governor? How, then, can you call it a fair submission, even of the question of sla very, in Kansas?

As far back as 1844, when it was determined that the Democratic party should be transformed into a pro-slavery agency, the national convention of that party adopted an anti-republican rule of party government, giving to the minority the control of the nomination of candidates for Presi dent and Vice President. Without the establishment of such minority rules, Mr. Van Buren, whose friends numbered a respectable majority in that convention, would have been nominated, and the Texas scheme for the aggrandizement of the slave power, would have failed. From that time to this, the tendency of that party to sectionalism has been constant; its strength in the slave States steadily increasing; and its decadenca in the free States equally steady and uniform.

There is another bit of history connected with. this Texas question which I must mention in passing. I find, in Benton's Thirty Years' View, vol.

Having thus traced back this sectional agitation
which now 66
crops out" in Kansas to its origin
in the acquisition of territory by southern action
to strengthen and aggrandize the slave power, and
having shown the foundation, extent, and sincer-2, p. 584, the following:
ity of the anti-slavery sentiment of the free States,
I come to speak of the misapprehension, or mis-
representation, by the South of the true ground
of difficulty between the two sections. Slavery,
although it is connected with the controversy, is
not really the cause of our present difficulty. The
contest is now fully shown to be broader, deeper,
and infinitely higher than the abstract question of
negro slavery. The entire discussion during this
session of Congress on the part of the South, so
far as I have listened or read, has been pred-
icated upon the idea that the only opposition to
the Kansas policy of the Administration was based
upon enmity to the institution of slavery. Noth-
ing could be more fallacious. Can the South be
so infatuated as to believe that Governor Wise,
Governor Walker, Secretary Stanton, Senators
Bell, Crittenden, and Douglas, and twenty or
thirty Representatives in the House, who, but a
few days since, were acting with the Democracy
-can they really believe that all these, and scores
of thousands of Democrats who cast their votes
for Mr. Buchanan at the last election, have sud-
denly become the enemies of the Democratic party
on account of its support of slavery? I tell you
nay, sir. But the opposition to that party has grown
out of the COURSE which it has resorted to, and the
MEANS which it has put in requisition to carry the
country from its high position as a liberty-loving
and liberty-defending Republic, as established by
our revolutionary fathers, to a PRO-SLAVERY OLI-
GARCHY! Since this last excitement commenced,
an organized, disciplined, and politic MINORITY has
undertaken to wrest the government from the pos-
session of the MAJORITY, for the purpose of ele-
vating a sectional institution which is at war with
the rights, the dignity, and the material interests
of that MAJORITY. Here, sir, lies the grave error.
The path of minorities to power is always bois-
terous, and beset with dangers. The cominotion
attending the progress of events, in such transfer
of power, will be fierce, and the danger imminent,
when the rights of a free, intelligent, and chival
rous people are thus attacked. Since this ex-
citement commenced, this minority has been gov-
erning the majority in this country by political

"Mr. Gilmer then explained to his friend the purpose for which this letter had been written and sent to General Jackson, and the use that was intended to be made of his answer, (if favorable to the design of the authors,) which use was

this: it was to be produced in the nominating convention

to overthrow Mr. Van Buren and give Mr. Calhoun the nomination, both of whom were to be interrogated beforehand; and it was well known what the answer would beCalhoun for, and Van Buren against, IMMEDIATE ANNEX ATION and Jackson's answer coinciding with Calhoun's, would turn the scale in his favor and blow Van Buren skyhigh."

Mr. Van Buren, sure enough, was blown "skyhigh;" but Mr. Calhoun got no higher than Secretary of State.

It was supposed, nearly up to the time for the assembling of the Democratic national convention for 1844, that Martin Van Buren would be the Democratic nominee against Mr. Clay, who was to be, and was, the opposing candidate. Both of these gentlemen were interrogated upon the question of the annexation of Texas, and both stood upon the ground that General Jackson had previously occupied in relation to the same question, namely, that it would be unjust toward Mexico to annex a portion of territory which she claimed, (war then existed between Texas and Mexico,) without her consent.

STRATEGY.

It is this startling truth, breaking upon the public mind, that is alarming, arousing, and uniting the people for the reassertion of POPULAR RIGHTS! And neither party, nor patronage, nor courts, nor technicalities, nor stratagems, will divert or deter them from their high purpose.

With the facts before us, we cannot imagine why it is that the South are constantly charging In this connexion, I will also read an extract the North as the authors of the excitement, when from the Mobile Mercantile Advertiser of about the free States have resisted the measures upon 1836, (date is not given, but the extract was pub-which the contest is based. You habitually charge lished in the East in 1837:) the free States with bad faith; but the charge al

"The South wishes to have. Texas admitted into the Union for two reasons: first, to equalize the South with the North; and, secondly, as a convenient and safe place calculated, from its peculiarly good soil and salubrious climate, for a slave population. Interest and political safety both alike prompt the action, and enforce the argument. The South contends that preservation and justice to themselves call for that aid to be tendered to them which would be given by the acquisition of Texas. They are not safe without it; THEY ARE NOT BALANCED WITH THE FREE STATES."

ways rests upon some speciality or technicality, like

Under General Jackson's administration it was good Democracy to keep national faith with a sis ter Republic. But when Texas was to be acquired for the purpose before stated, presto! Democracy consists in the disregard of national faith, and demands annexation, in spite of Mexico, and with war into the bargain. What constituted true Democracy in General Jackson was, therefore, heresy in Mr. Van Buren, and caused his defeat as presidential candidate. The "tack" was so sudden, too, sir, that even one who had been Commander-in-Chief could not change front quick enough to save himself.

In these days we have just a parallel case. The Senator from Illinois, but yesterday, was at the head of the Democracy, as the author of popular sovereignty. To-day, for holding the same doc trine, the Democracy cry out-"Crucify him!" "CRUCIFY HIM!"

Mr. Jefferson taught that Democracy was a principle by which all political measures should be tried and judged. But modern Democracy sels up executive measures, as the test of political fidelity, and requires principles to be held in respectful abeyance. No familiarity with Democratic principles can guide aright, nor any fidelity to them keep any one in the way of modern party duty.

A great majority of the electors in the free States are interested in the rights of labor. They are Republicans-yes, Democrats-in habit and sentiment, intelligent, honest, but confiding almost to a fault. The grave political wrongs which have brought the present perils upon the country could their refusal to vote in Kansas. "All that are in not have been done in any party name less refavor of Brigham Young for Governor, and will spected than the Democracy. It was a support polygamy, will say, ay. All that are op- honored," almost a sacred name. Beelzebub, not posed to Brigham Young, and will support polug-in his own hateful name, it is said, but as an a amy, will say, no." Suppose the people of Utah had the right to elect their Governor, and should present the question as above, so that no one

* time

gel of light, practices continually his plan against the welfare and happiness of mankind. So in this case, faithless pretenders, in the name of Democ

35TH CONG.... 1ST SESS.

racy,

have crucified Democracy! Under no other name could the people have been so enthralled, and their rights so betrayed.

The true Democratic party listened to the petitions of the people, and protected their rights; but this false Democracy has only leaden ears for their petitions, and calls the attempt to assert their rights rebellion, and crushes them out with the American Army! The true Democracy was economical of the people's money; but this false Democracy is profligate, beyond example; and depends for success upon sectional favor, and the corrupting power of its enormous patronage. The true Democracy was content with the constitutional distribution of governmental powers; but this false Democracy seeks to concentrate all such powers in the chief Executive. The true Democracy held that official fidelity consisted in a faithful and honest discharge of the duties of office; but this false Democracy demands craven submission to the will of the Executive. The true Democracy held that the Representative should obey the will of his constituents; but this false Democracy calls it heresy if he disregards the Executive behest. The true Democracy inculcated the high duty of representative fidelity; but this false Democracy, with filthy bribes seeks the itching palm, and attacks with fierce denunciations, every independent spirit.

Fidelity to the interests of the people is a just rule by which to test public officers of every grade, and I propose to examine the policy of the late Administration by that rule.

Washington, in his Farewell Address, says: "I have already intimated to you the danger of parties in the State, with particular reference to the founding of them upon geographical discriminations.

"This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature, having its root in the strongest passions of the buman mind. It exists under different shapes in all Governments; but in those of the popular form, is seen in its greatest rankness, and is truly their WORST ENEMY.

"The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge natural to party dissensions, which in different ages and countries has perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful DESPOTISM. BUT THIS LEADS AT LENGTH TO A MORE FORMAL AND PERMANENT DESPOTISM."

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*

"It serves always to distract the public councils, and enfeeble the public administration. It agitates the community with ill-founded jealousies and false alarms. There is an opinion that parties in free countries are useful checks upon the administration of the Government, and serve to keep alive the spirit of liberty. This, within certain limits, is probably true; and in governments of a monarchical cast, patriotism may look with indulgence, if not with favor, upon the spirit of party. But in those of a popular character, in governments purely elective, it is a spirit not to be encouraged." "A fire not to be quenched, it demands a uniform vigilance to prevent its bursting into a flame, lest, instead of warming, IT SHOULD CON

SUME."

*

"It is important, likewise, that the habits of thinking in a free country should inspire caution in those intrusted with its administration to confine themselves within their respect ire CONSTITUTIONAL spheres, avoiding, in the exercise of the powers of one department, to encroach upon another. The spirit of encroachment tends to consolidate the power of all the departments in one, and thus to create, whatever the form of government, A REAL DESPOTISM."

The policy of the present and preceding Administrations, from 1844, more than any previous ones, of whatever shade of political opinion, has been in conflict with the above advice of Washington; and at this present time we experience the bitter consequences in rancorous party prejudice, under the blind influence of which men appear to mistake their party for their country. Committed to the purposes of the minority, and regardless of popular interests, the modern Democracy has become, beyond comparison, extravagant and corrupt in the use of the public

money.

The true Democracy can always be found by the standard of economy. It has always been one of ts important characteristics, and in former days was one of its proudest boasts. I have taken the bains to collect some statistics of expenditures, which, when presented to the public, will I think 50 far to enlighten the people as to the true charicter of this professed Democracy.

[blocks in formation]

1800...
1810..
1820...
1, 1826..
1830...
1834...
1837..
1840...
1843-44
1844-45.

5,305,925 6.951.919 748.688 7,239,814 4,968,345 703,994

315,783

9,654,596 11.546.555 12.866,020 14,554,332

17,069,453

1845-46.)

[blocks in formation]

1846-47 21,293,003

1.110.713 1,363.624 2.082.565 2.932.428 2,575,351 2,554,146 2,839,470 3,769,758 42,298,067 2.570,338 3,910,190

1847-48.

1848-49.

1849-50.

2,647,802 2,865,196 3,027,454

2,555,455 3,111,140 7,025,450

1830-31 23,191,876 31,694,486 3,481,219 1831-52.

1852-53. 1853-54. 1854-55.) 1855-56.

1856-57. 28,406,974

8,146,577 3,439,923 9,867,926 4,265,861 12,246,335 4,621,493 13,461.450 6,350.875 16.738,442 6,452.256 15,260,475 18,946,189

58,368,582 7,611,547

Ho. OF REPS.

sundries-things that it is not easy to name,) in four years, than all the Presidents down to 1846. In a single year of his term he spent for miscellanies almost twice as much as Mr. Van Buren spent during his whole term.

Since the transfer of the Democracy in 1844 to Mr. Calhoun's sectional minority policy, which is only thirteen years, the miscellaneous expenses have exceeded the amount charged to the same account from 1789 up to that date, by the enormous sum of $48,000,000. Yes, sir, during the last thirteen years our miscellaneous expenseswhich, in the days of republican economy, were comparatively unimportant, certainly not alarming-have amounted, in the aggregate, to the startling sum of more than ONE HUNDRED AND SEVENTEEN MILLION DOLLARS! whilst, for the whole fifty-five previous years, down to the close of 1844, the aggregate was less than sixty-five millions. This exhibits modern Democratic economy! The advance in profligacy would be expected to keep pace with the advance towards sectionalism, and the decadence of Democracy; and just so is the fact.

Under Mr. Polk's administration, at the inception of which sectionalism was inaugurated, the miscellaneous expenses in four years were a fraction over thirteen millions. Under Mr. Fillmore's, (which, though classed politically as Whig, was fully committed to the ruling southern policy,) these expenses reached, in four years, more than thirty-seven millions! And under Mr. Pierce's Democratic (?) four years, they swelled to the monstrous sum of OVER SIXTY-FOUR MILLIONS! As popular support began to be withheld, the public money must be used to maintain waning power. Mr. Polk's first year's expenses were between three and four millions; Mr. Fillmore's first year between seven and eight millions; and Mr. Pierce's first year between thirteen and fourteen lions greater than his first; and Mr. Pierce's last millions! Mr. Fillmore's last year was five inil

It cannot require argument to prove that the ordinary expenses of Government ought not to increase as rapidly as population. But there is another consideration that should be borne in mind, viz: that the increase in the expenses for "civil list" and "miscellaneous" should advance at a uniform rate, or nearly so; and it is impossible to imagine how, with an honest and economical administration of Government, the rate of increase could vary much. These items are not affected by war or peace, and therefore with a prudent management of public business, must keep steadily along. But what are the facts in the case? The increase of population averages about thirty-year was more than five millions greater than his three per cent. in ten years. Now, from 1837 to first. Would to God that I could now inform you the amount of Mr. Buchanan's last year, but "time 1847, whilst our population increased thirty-three percent., our expenses for "miscellaneous" items forbids." increased forty per cent. From 1847 to 1857, the increase of population was, as before, thirty-three per cent.; but mark, the increase in miscellaneous expenses was more than four hundred and seventyfive per cent. !

The miscellaneous expenses for the single year ending 30th June, 1857, exceeds, by more than two million dollars, the same expenses during General Jackson's two terms, making eight years. The expenditures for this item of miscellaneous during Pierce's four years were $64,646,556. This, it must be remembered, is exclusive of Army and Navy, and the civil list. This, too, is the account to which the money is charged that is used for carrying elections and paying off party favorites. Is it strange, when we calculate this enormous expenditure, that the Democratic party is so powerful and self-sustaining? Will not $64,000,000 spent in four years furnish a cement strong enough to hold such a patriotic and national party together? Is any one astonished, after knowing the amount of money expended, at the boldness with which that party asserts its ability to hold the powers of Government? This $64,500,000 spent by Pierce in four years was necessary to pass the KansasNebraska bill, and to carry the election of Mr.

Buchanan.

It will be observed, if the table is examined, that, down to 1840, the expenses for "Army," "Navy," "civil list," and "miscellaneous," averaged about one dollar for each inhabitant. It was a trifle more in 1840; but, for the year 1847, the expenses were $21,000,000 more than the population, being just about double what the previous average had been. And in 1857, the last year of Democratic economy, the expenses for the same accounts had swelled to the alarming sum of $58,000,000! or $30,000,000 more than the population!

I have neither time nor inclination to pursue the details of this painful evidence of political degeneracy and corruption further.

I believe that the Pierce-Buchanan Administrations have no parallel in the history of this country, in the boldness with which they have attempted to strike down the rights of the people. The press has been muzzled by the public money and official patronage. Public officers have been turned out, not because they did not support the Administration, but because they would not be active and efficient party tools. The purity of the ballot-box has been corrupted by the use of public money; offices have been distributed with the view of carrying executive measures through Congress, thereby corrupting the representative system; and to finish the aggravating picture, the Executive is now using the whole power of the Government under the false pretense of restoring peace to the country, to complete, in one of the Territories of the Union, the SUBJUGATION of American citizens!

To get some idea of its magnitude, imagine that it exceeds the whole amount spent for "miscellaneous" account by the Government in fortyeight years, namely, from 1792 to 1840. It will be remembered that in 1826 there was great excitement about the profligacy of Mr. Adams's administration, and afterwards a good deal about Mr. Van Buren's administration. But the forty-eight years above named include all the Administrations to the end of Van Buren's. Mr. Pierce said in SPEECH OF HON.J. W.STEVENSON, his inaugural:

The annexed table exhibits the expenses of the "In the administration of domestic affairs you expect a Government, for all purposes exclusive of public devoted integrity to the public service, and an observance lebt, foreign intercourse, pensions, and Indian of rigid economy in all departments, so marked as never justly to be questioned. If this reasonable expectation be not lepartment, for the several years therein stated, realized, I frankly confess that one of your leading hopes is ind also the population at several periods. The doomed to disappointment, and that my efforts in a very imrcounts, "civil list" and "miscellaneous," in-portant particular must result in a HUMILIATING FAILURE." lude sums expended for political purposes, and herefore an examination of those tables will be

ADMISSION OF KANSAS.

OF KENTUCKY,

IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,

March 31, 1858.

The House being in the Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union

Mr. STEVENSON said:

And then for commentary on that text spent more Mr. CHAIRMAN: I congratulate you and the counmoney under the head of miscellaneous, (that is, I try that this bitter, protracted, and exciting strug

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