Page images
PDF
EPUB

35TH CONG....1ST SESS.

the mouth of the river to the Utah Pass at one of its head springs, and at the immediate foot of the pass, the route traced was one hundred and twenty-four miles,and the average grade thirty-six feet to the mile. From the mouth of the river, the point of the White Oak Mountains, the distance along the river valley is seventy-eight miles, and the average tall of the river twenty-two feet to the mile. Above this point the river lies in an amphitheater of mountains, but still preserves its broad bottoms and open valleys, the face of the country well grassed, with open smooth ridges and flats among wooded summits and wooded ravines. This character of country continued near to the very summits of the mountains, the grassy slopes reaching directly up to the rock which makes the immediate crest of the range. Here the river receives many small tributaries, and there are many sheltered nooks and coves of the mountains beautifully adapted for settlements; the soil fertile with sunny exposures, sheltered by the mountains from the prevailing winds. Timber, in quality and size suitable for railroad constructions and farming purposes, is abundant, many of the trees squaring fully a foot; and coal is found in the neighboring mountains. This character of country extends to over eight thousand feet in altitude; above it, nearly to ten thousand feet, grasses are abundant and nutritious. The nutritious grasses and good and abundant waters and mild climate would make that region peculiarly adapted for dairy farms.

The mountain climate is altogether more agreeable and milder than in the open plains two hundred miles to the eastward. The mountain ranges protect the country lying along their base. On the open plains the snow falls deeper and lies longer and the winter climate is usually much more severe. On the 10th of December and near the mountain summits, the weather was mild and pleasant, and, except in the deep mountain ravines, the country was entirely free from snow.

"On both sides of the valley, bordering ridges afford every facility for easy development into the pass, which, at its summit on the narrow backbone of the ridge, is nine thou sand four hundred feet above the sea. On the western side the descent is very abrupt to the Del Norte waters, at an elevation of eight hundred feet. At this place and about this elevation, a tunnel through the ridge would be about a thousand yards in length. The development of the line would probably increase the distance from the Arkansas perhaps ten miles, and the resulting railway distance from the mouth of the Huerfano to this point would be about one hundred and thirty-five miles, upon an average grade of thirty-four feet to the mile.

"From the Utah Pass to that of the Cochetope, the distance is a little over one hundred miles, Following the mountain foot around to the head of the San Luis valley, the line entered, at an elevation of seven thousand six hundred feet, the valley of the Sabwatch river, which makes the approach to the Cochetope Pass in the main Rocky Mountain range.

"From the San Louis valley to the immediate foot of the pass, at an elevation of nine thousand eight hundred and twenty feet, the distance is about forty miles, and the average grade fifty-five feet to the mile. From this point, a tunnel of two thousand yards would carry the line to a corresponding elevation on the western side of the mountain, three hundred and fifty feet below the summit, and near to which our camp was pitched on the 14th December. Upon this day the snow in the pass, newly fallen, was four inches deep, and winter began regularly in the mountain region. A few days since, there was nothing to remind the traveler that he was approaching the summit line of a great mountain chain which divides the waters of a continent. The grassy and wooded slopes and rounded summits, the mild and open weather, the uncovered grasses, green in the prolonged sunshine of the Indian summer, were all unexpected in the heart of a mountain region.

[ocr errors]

From knowledge obtained upon the spot and from report, there are doubtless other passes better adapted to railway purposes; but our condition did not permit us to make any examination outside the line of travel.

"Briefly, the results worked out in the journey to this place, supported by a previous journey at the same season of the year, go to show that the mountain regions exhibit no extraordinary rigor of climate. The autumns are prolonged and open. Up to the middle of December, there had been no snow either to impede travel, or to drive cattle from their open range, or to render shelter for them necessary.

"With the exception of about one hundred and fifty miles upon the high plains, or the Arkansas river, the route is continuously wooded; but along the whole distance, pasturage is excellent and abundant.

"In capacity to support population, in salubrity of climate and fertility of soil, the Rocky Mountain ranges which the line passed, are singular and exceptional. Singular in the great number of open, fertile valleys, and perhaps exceptional in the general availability and open character of the country, and in the remarkably small proportion of rugged and impracticable ground, when compared with European and especially Asiatic mountains.

"The line is direct, and the inclinations easy; the heavier grades together and continuous, and none heavy enough to make snow an impediment upon the rails. Upon the whole line, there are but two great obstructions, easily overcome by moderate tunneling and lesser grades than are now in use upon railways in England over which is passing incessantly the largest traffic of the world."

The most implicit reliance is due to the statements which Colonel Frémont has here given to the public, and on which he has here staked his character. In all the surveys with which he has covered the western half of our continent, and which have given him a renown throughout the civilized world, and which have been scrutinized by many men entirely competent to detect and expose an error, none have yet been able to detect a flaw. He has since been indorsed by half the

Pacific Railroad-Mr. Blair.

nation, and it is not to be supposed that he would
put forth a statement of which he did not feel per-
fectly secure, and hazard that high reputation
which he has so gloriously won and worn with a
modesty so admirable.

A desire now to contrast his work with that of
Captain Gunnison, who reported this line as im-
practicable, and it must be evident that the latter
has committed an error, unpardonable, under the
circumstances, unless it can be accounted for
upon the supposition of his inexperience in rail-
road engineering. It is clear to me that his error
has arisen from this fact, and that in running his
line up the Huerfano, he has followed the water
level from the mouth of that river, (and the other
streams which he followed,) until he came up to
the mountains themselves and found the grades
too precipitous to be practicable for a railroad, in-
stead of developing a route by working up grad-
ually on the high lands at the mouth of the river,
and thus averaging his grades through the whole
distance, from the mouth of the river to the high-
est crest of the pass by which the mountain range
was to be crossed. A man might as well attempt
to follow the water line of Niagara river, from
Lewistown to the great falls, with a railroad, and
mount the falls perpendicularly, instead of begin-
ning to develop the route by a gradual and easy
ascent from Lewistown, by which means a rail-
road has been actually constructed between the
points named, upon grades which were perfectly
practicable.

Captain Gunnison has either fallen into this error, or he has failed to find the pass in the mountains which Frémont traversed, and therefore this negative testimony of an officer, without experience in railroad engineering, of his inability to find a pass, biased, too, as we may well conceive him to have been, by the wishes of those who sent him, should not be allowed to weigh against the direct and affirmative testimony of a man of experience as a railroad engineer, whose reputation stands as high as that of any man upon this continent. I assume, therefore, that the results which I have read to the House, and which show that the great dividing line of the continent can be passed by a railroad upon a grade of fifty-five feet to the mile, and which is less by about one half than the grade to be overcome upon any other route, is established by the most incontestable proof. Beyond the Cochetope Pass, the country is difficult, but entirely practicable, as is shown by the report of Colonel Frémont, published upon his return from his last expedition. From this report I make the following extract:

"Our progress in this mountainous region was necessarily slow; and during ten days which it occupied us to pass through about one hundred miles of the mountainous country bordering the eastern side of the Upper Colorado valley, the greatest depth of the snow was among the pines and aspens on the ridges, about two and a half feet, and in the valleys about six inches. The atmosphere is too cold and dry for much snow, and the valleys, protected by the mountains, are comparatively free from it, and warm. We here found villages of Utah Indians in their wintering ground, in little valleys along the foot of the higher mountains, and bordering the more open country of the Colorado valley. Snow was here (Deceinber 25) only a few inches deep-the grass generally appearing above it, and there being none under trees and on southern hill sides.

"The horses of the Utahs were living on the range, and, notwithstanding that they were used in hunting, were in excellent condition. One which we had occasion to kill for food had on it about two inches of fat, being in as good order as any buffalo we had killed in November on the eastern plains. Over this valley country-about one hundred and fifty miles across-the Indians informed us that snow falls only a few inches in depth; such as we saw it at the time. "The immediate valley of the Upper Colorado for about one hundred miles in breadth, and from the 7th to the 22d January, was entirely bare of snow, and the weather resembled that of autumn in this country. The line here entered the body of mountains known as the Wah satch and An ter ria ranges, which are practicable at several places in this part of their course; but the falling snow and destitute condition of my party again interfered to impede examinations. They lie between the Colorado valley and the Great Basin, and at their western base are established the Mormon settlements of Parowan and Cedar City. They are what are called fertile mountains, abundant in water, wood, and grass, and fertile valleys, offering inducements to settlement and facilities for making a road. These mountains are a great storehouse of materials-timber, iron, coal- which would be of indispensable use in the construction and maintenance of the road, and are solid foundations to build up the future prosperity of the rapidly-increasing Utah State. "Salt is abundant on the eastern border, mountains-as the Sierra de Sal-being named from it. In the ranges lying behind the Mormon settlements, among the mountains through which the line passes, are accumulated a great wealth of iron and coal, and extensive forests of heavy tim

Ho. OF REPS.

ber. These forests are the largest I am acquainted with in the Rocky Mountains, being in some places twenty miles in depth, of continuous forest; the general growth lofty and large, frequently over three feet in diameter, and sometimes reaching five feet-the red spruce and yellow pine predominating. At the actual southern extremity of the Mormon settlements, consisting of the two inclosed towns of Parowan and Cedar City, near to which our line passed, a coal mine has been opened for about eighty yards, and iron works already established. Iron here occurs in extraordinary masses, in some parts accumulated into mountains, which comb out, in crests of solid iron, thirty feet thick and a hundred yards long.

"In passing through this bed of mountains, about fourteen days had been occupied, from January 24 to February 7, the deepest snow we here encountered being about up to the saddle skirts, or four feet; this occurring only in occasional drifts in the passes on northern exposures, and in the small mountain flats hemmed in by woods and hills. In the valley it was sometimes a few inches deep, and as often none at all. On our arrival at the Mormon settlements, February 8th, we found it a few inches deep, and were there informed that the winter had been unusually longcontinued and severe, the thermometer having been as low as 17° below zero, and more snow having fallen than in all the previous winters together, since the establishment of this colony.

"At this season their farmers had usually been occupied with their plows, preparing the land for grain."

In a letter recently received from Colonel Frémont, he expresses the belief that there are passes through the main dividing ridge still better than the Cochetope, and especially in reference to the country beyond. He says:

"In this view a better line can be found, and quite as direct, around the head of the San Luis valley, passing directly from the Arkansas waters to those of Grand river, or from the San Luis valley more in the neighborhood of the Cochetope, north or south of it."

And he inclined, in his own mind, to a line southward, around the waters of the Eagle Tail, a stream laid down in his map of 1848 as Eagle river: this river being a large stream, and cutting down into cañons, while the higher country is fertile, wooded, and grassy, with small streams, unobstructed, and running through open ground. Among other reasons inclining him to this course, he says:

"I had heard from Mr. Walker, and other mountain men, who had been with trapping parties in the region of the Lower Colorado, that the river was navigable for a very considerable distance up from the mouth of the Gila. Walker said that he knew it to be navigable for at least one hundred and fifty miles above the mouth of the Gila. As the two main forks drain a mountain region of great extent, and carry down a large volume of water, I have thought it probable that the main river is navigable to our present means of navigation, from their junction, which is a little north of the thirty-eighth parallel."

sin.

He remarks further, that

"In crossing the country, the central route passes, in the San Luis valley, a point which would become a center of population, from which a railroad could be thrown down through New Mexico, and where an interior city would grow up. In passing the southern Mormon settlements-another station for way travel-there would be another such point. If, now, the Colorado be navigable at the junction, you see at once what a reason and support it would give to the central line. It would be like Pittsburg at the junction of the Monongahela and Alleghany-the Pittsburg of the Pacific. The head of navigation to a region of such great extent, crossed by a railroad uniting the two occans, would certainly become a grand commercial point. If you will go to the trouble to look at the map to which I have referred you, and bear in mind that the true junction is above the thirty-eighth parallel, you will see that the idea has force. Beyond the Colorado, I judged from my examination that there is no serious impediment to carrying a railway line into the baAs to where the line should cross the basin, whether by the Humboldt river, or by the line of the Rio Virgin, or by an intervening line, must of course depend upon the point at which it shall be decided to cross the Sierra Nevada." For that division of the route which lies between San Francisco, crossing the Sierra Nevada, and connecting with the line of Colonel Frémont, in the Great Basin, I submit the following letter from William J. Lewis, a railroad engineer of great eminence, who was recently the chief engineer of the proposed railroad from San Francisco to San José; in 1837, he was one of the first officers in the survey of the proposed railroad from Charleston to Cincinnati, under General McNeill and Captain W. G. Williams. He had charge of one of the mountain divisions, and Frémont was in one of the divisions near him, making his first experience in engineering; it was here that Frémont made Lewis's acquaintance, in whose ability and experience he has the greatest confidence.

SAN FRANCISCo, September 29, 1857. DEAR SIR: You may recollect that in conversation with you on the steamer John L. Stebbins I expressed an opinion that a practicable route could be obtained for the Pacific railroad crossing the Sierra Nevada at Johnson's Pass, near the head of the south fork of the American river. In 1855, Mr. Sherman Day made the location of a wagon road from the vicinity of Placerville to Carey's mill, in Carson, valley

[blocks in formation]

which it gives us is the accidental result of the first survey
which the necessities of population required to be made.
Can we not with certainty expect much better, when the
Sierra Nevada comes to be surveyed with the direct pur-
pose of building a railroad across it?"

Again, speaking of the two passes in the two
great chains and the country between, he says:

crossing the Sierra at Johnson's Pass. No part of his road
had an ascent over five degrees, and the estimated cost of
construction was only about one hundred thousand dollars.
I send you a copy of the map made by him of the country
in the vicinity of the road, and a profile of his located line.
Assuming Sacramento as a point of beginning for the pro-
posed railroad, the road would strike the western base of
the foot hills of the Sierra Nevada, south of the junction of
Weber creek with the south fork of the American river,
and follow it to Slippery Ford. The distance from Slippery
Ford to Lake Valley does not exceed four miles, and a tun-
nel at this point is the only serious difficulty in the con-
struction of the road. The outlet of Lake Bigler is at the
northern end, and its waters flow to the desert west of the
Sierra through Truckee river. Whether the railroad should
follow the shores of the lake and the valley of the Truckee
river until it reaches the general level of the Great Basin, or
should cross the ridge between the lake and Mormon sta-
tion at some low point, and pursue a more direct route to-
wards Salt Lake City, can only be determined by future
surveys. The descent from the lake to the western plainsning for its whole length between the thirty-eighth
is so entirely within the limits of railroad gradients, that I
entertain no doubt that a practicable route can be found on
one of the two lines indicated.

Let us now see what will be the grades on the proposed line. Beginning at the Sacramento, (sixty feet above tide,) and allowing the road to rise in the first twenty miles at fif teen feet to the mile, we arrive at the western base of the foot hills, at an elevation of three hundred and sixty feet, The distance of this point from Slippery Ford by the present road is seventy miles; but by the winding line of a railroad will be at least ninety miles.

On a grade of sixty feet to the mile, the road would rise in these ninety miles five thousand four hundred feet, and attain an altitude of five thousand seven hundred and sixty feet or four hundred and two feet above the wagon road at Slippery Ford. The height of the wagon road (which is fifty feet above the river) at Lake Valley is five thousand nine hundred and sixty one, so that to bring us to the same level, there would be a rise of two hundred feet in the length of the tunnel-say four miles. Having now traced the route from the Sacramento to the western slope of the Sierra Nevada, and the waters flowing into the Great Basin, let us make an estimate of the extreme cost from Sacramento to this point:

From Sacramento to western foot of Fool Hills, twenty
miles, at $30,000 a mile.
$600,000
9,000,000

From western base of Fool Hills to Slippery Ford, ninety miles, at $100,000 a mile... From Slippery Ford to Lake Valley tunnel, four miles, or twenty-one thousand one hundred and twenty feet, at $200 a foot...

Total from Sacramento......
And from Sacramento to Benicia.

Total cost from Benicia...

4,224,000 $13,824,000 3,000,000 $16,824,000

Let us compare this with the cost of the road on the Noble's Pass route, west of the Sierra, as estimated by Captain Humphreys and Lieutenant Warren in their report on the explorations for railroad routess, page 66: Portions of the pass of the western ridge of the Sierra Nevada, 17 miles, at $100,000 per mile..... $1,700,000 From the head of the first cañon on Sacramento river to the termination of the mountain passage of the river, seventeen miles above Fort Reading, 135.5 miles, at $150,000 per mile.... 20,325,000 Thence to Fort Reading, on the Sacramento river, 17 miles, and thence to Benicia, 180 miles, being about 200 miles, at $50,000 per mile......

10,000,000

[blocks in formation]

I have now given you my speculations on this matter; but I would much prefer that you should have an interview with Mr. Day and Mr. Goddart, both of whom are familiar with the topography of the country in the vicinity of the proposed line, and would be glad to aid you in your inquiries. Yours, very respectfully, WM. J. LEWIS. Colonel JOHN C. FREMONT.

Upon this letter of Lewis and the map of Sherman Day which accompanies it, and which I hold in my hand, Colonel Frémont, in a letter dated New York, February 28, 1858, says it shows

"That at the first place in the Sierra Nevada where the necessities of the settlement require communications, a good wagon road was easily found, and that this wagon road survey shows also that a railroad is entirely practicable in the same place; that this is in the line of the proposed central road, between the thirty-eighth and thirty-ninth parallels, that any line coming across the Great Basin would reach San Francisco bay by a very considerable saving in distance and expense, compared with any other and less direct line running more to the northward. For instance, the surveyed line with which Lewis institutes his comparison, and which line in coming from the eastward very nearly joins Lewis's, (both I believe being then upon the Salmon Trout or Truckee river as it is generally called.) Take notice that the Rocky Mountains and the Sierra Nevada are great mountain chains, and that there are two passes through them, (Sherman Day's road pass and the Cochetope) and almost exactly in the same latitude, both being between the thirty-eighth and thirty-ninth parallels. Remember, too, in regard to this line of Sherman Day's, that the information

"My judgment is unhesitatingly, that the country between these points is entirely practicable for a railroad. And does it not appear upon its face absurd to say, when the two great chains of the continent are practicable, the intervening country is not so? When droves of cattle of all kinds by thousands, wagons and caravans are passing constantly over it in its natural state, that the railroad science of this day cannot get across? A man's ignorance must be audacious when he can undertake to publish it in maintaining such an assertion."

It will thus be seen that the central route, run

and thirty-ninth parallels of latitude, is firmly and
conclusively established. Upon this line stands
the capital of the nation, on the Atlantic slope of
our continent; fixed here because it was central
to the North and South. It is the line of the Ohio
river in almost its whole length; the line upon
which stands St. Louis, the great central city of
the Mississippi valley; the line of the Missouri
river for three hundred miles beyond, to where it
deflects abruptly to the north; the line of the Kan-
sas river, which is navigable for near one hun-
dred miles due west, thence stretching up the Ark-
ansas river, and the Huerfano, and crossing the
mountains, and striking the Colorado river upon
the same parallel, at its true junction with Grand
river, and to which it was supposed by Colonel
Frémont to be navigable from the sea. The sup-
position has since proven to be true, by the sur-
vey of Lieutenant Ives; and thence through the
Great Basin by Parowan and Cedar City, and the
great iron mountains, to Carson's valley; and
thence in the same parallel, by the route indicated
by Mr. Lewis, to San Francisco on the thirty-
eighth parallel. A route cultivable and inhabitable
throughout its whole extent, with water, grass,
wood, coal, and iron, and capable of supporting
a population for the construction and maintenance
of the road, when built. This route follows the
lines of commerce, the center of population, and
of our territories upon both oceans. In all these
respects it fulfills the conditions of a national work
and should be constructed by the nation.

I have spoken of the persistent efforts of the
pseudo Democracy to undervalue the central route,
and force the construction of a railroad upon a
remote southern route; but there are also efforts
from other quarters equally hostile, and somewhat
more insidious. I shall, I hope, be pardoned for
a brief notice of one of these, since those who
have made themselves prominent in the affair
have sought to cover themselves by taking the
name of the central route for a southern one.

One of my colleagues [Mr. PHELPS] has favored
me with a pamphlet copy of a letter which bears
his name, and is addressed to certain citizens of
the State of Arkansas. Upon reading the letter,
I have been struck with the propriety which dic-

tated its address to the citizens of that State, and
I am constrained to say that it would have been
in all respects appropriate if it had emanated from
an Arkansas member. I will read some of the
passages which seem to me the most striking.
He is arguing that the route is best, even for the
few lowland Gulf countries of Georgia, Alabama,
and Mississippi, and says:

"My answer is, that the road from Vicksburg should go
directly to Shreveport, and to Preston on the Red river, and
thence northwest up the False Washita river, and intersect
the Charleston, Memphis, and Albuquerque road in the beau-
tiful valley of the Canadian river, at or near the one bun-
dredth degree of longitude, some five hundred and fifty miles
from Vicksburg. That, in my humble opinion, is the true
Vicksburg route, and for two reasons: it is the best and
shortest route, and it would develop a fertile and unsettled
country of vast importance to the trade and strength of the
South."

It is "the trade and strength of the South" to which this road is of such vast importance. He goes on in the same strain:

"The route from Vicksburg up the Red and False Washita rivers is, therefore, (as is easily observable from a map,) the shortest and the best. Not only so, but second, this righthand route along the Red and False Washita rivers would develop a fertile and unsettled country of vast importance to the trade and strength of the South. It is a country filled with rivers and streams-the Arkansas, the Red, the False Washita, the Verdigris, the Canadian, the Red Fork, the Salt Fork, the Neosho, and many others of great value. It is admirably suited for the cultivation of cotton, and the

HO. OF REPS.

higher portions of it for hemp, tobacco, and grains. Settied and cultivated, it would enrich the South and strengthen it. Texas is developed and is secure. This country should be. Delay will not prevent its settlement, nor benefit the South."

"Delay will not prevent its settlement, nor benefit the South." There is something peculiar and significant in this iteration of the same idea. He adds:

"It is deeply to the interest, therefore, of South Carolina, Georgia, Tennessee and Arkansas, if they would protect and increase the trade of the principal commercial cities, that the Charleston and Memphis railroad shall be ex tended directly west to Albuquerque, and then to San Francisco."

It is to protect and increase the trade of the principal commercial cities" of the South that this central route is advocated. And again he as

serts:

"But Virginia cannot reasonably be asked to go four hundred miles too far South, when a good pass and a better route can be had, three degrees of latitude to the north of it, and also when the more convenient and shorter route

will open up to settlement a country of an importance to the South which it is quite impossible to overestimate-a country large enough to make two States, each larger that Ohio, and of a climate and soil like that of northern Louisi ana and Arkansas."

Why may we not reasonably ask it of Virginia, if he can ask it of his native State, Connecticut, and his adopted State, Missouri? I can readily understand the importance to the South of making two slave States larger than Ohio. But is the whole nation to be asked to make this road for this purpose? But he says:

"More than TWENTY MILLIONS OF PEOPLE live on and north of the thirty-fifth parallel route, and they cannot-and ought not, to be asked to go across that line, when everybody knows that the line is almost two hundred miles further south than they ought to be asked to come."

"Everybody knows that the line (of the thirtyfifth parallel) is almost two hundred miles further south than the twenty million of people who live "And it north of it ought to be asked to come." is called the central route!! Finally, the people of Arkansas are informed:

"But the thirty-fifth parallel route through Albuquerque is three and a half degrees south of St. Louis. The southern portion of the slaveholding States have, if the Albuquerque route is adopted, by reason of their geographical position, a decided advantage in the matter of distance over the northern part of the slaveholding, and over all of the non-slaveholding States, whose railroads center at St. Louis.

"By using the Vicksburg branch, up the Red and False Washita rivers to Albuquerque; the Memphis branch to Albuquerque, and the St. Louis branch to Albuquerque, the slaveholding States can far more easily reach San Francisco than can any one of all the large Atlantic cities of the Atlantic non-slaveholding States."

[ocr errors]

There is much more to the same purpose, but this is sufficient to show what sort of a central route this is that my colleague advocates. It should be called the " False Washita route," which, I presume, derived its name from the fact that somebody mistook it for the "true Washita," as my colleague has mistaken this line, which is "two hundred miles farther south than the people of this country ought to be asked to come," for a central route. Although my colleague has given his name to bolster this route, it is but fair to him and others to say that its pa ternity belongs to a gentleman who formerly lived in St. Louis, and who still claims to live there, although he has lived here for many years, with the design, I presume, of having some pretext to speak for Missouri. The gentleman I refer to is Mr. Corbin, a man of talent, of energy, and industry, who has been a successful operator, and has made himself extremely useful to members of Congress. He originated the "false Washita " route, and the arguments used by my colleague remind me of him and of an incident in his history which occurred when he lived in

St. Louis.

There was a vacancy from the county of St. Louis, in the Missouri Legislature. Mr. Corbin and another gentleman were candidates before the Democratic convention, and both pledged themselves to abide the decision of the convention and not to run against its nominee. The other gentleman was nominated, and to the astonishment of all, and greatly to the chagrin of the Democratic party, Mr. Corbin still persisted in being a candidate. Being reminded of his pledge not to run against the nominee of the convention, he re plied that it was true he had given the pledge and intended to redeem it to the letter, but he did not consider that his pledge prevented him from running, it only bound him not to run against the nominee

35TH CONG....1ST SESS.

Exposition of the Kansas Conference Act-Mr. Bennett.

as

of the convention; he should therefore run, but not as against the nominee. And so it may be said of this "false Washita" route. It may be called a central route, but no one who reads the arguments which it rests, can fail to perceive that even upon if it is a central route, it is not a central route 66 against the South." It runs "two hundred miles further south than the twenty million living north of it ought to be asked to go," and then when it reaches the Pacific side has to run two hundred miles back again to the north to reach San Francisco. It requires the railroad to commence on the Mississippi river, and thus loses four hundred miles of water navigation, furnished by the Missouri and Kansas rivers, in their course due west, and may thus be said to throw away seven or eight hundred miles.

On the true central route, availing ourselves of the navigation of the Missouri river and striking the great Colorado of the West at its junction with Grand river, where Frémont supposed it to be navigable-and which supposition has since been confirmed-we should only have a thousand miles of railroad travel between the navigable waters of the two oceans. This is the great feature of the central route; and, taken in connection with the superiority of its soil and supply of wood and water, has heretofore given it the preference with the emigration to the Pacific, and dotted the line with settlements, whilst the other routes have never been used by the emigrants in their exodus to the Pacific, and remain uninhabited.

EXPOSITION OF THE KANSAS CONFERENCE ACT.

SPEECH OF HON. H. BENNETT,

OF NEW YORK,

IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,
May 25, 1858.

The House being in the Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union

Mr. BENNETT said:

Mr. CHAIRMAN: An act has been passed by this Congress, relative to the admission of Kansas, sending back to the people of that Territory the Lecompton constitution, which they had rejected, offering them large inducements to accept it, and enacting severe penalties if they refuse-an act intended to force upon them a constitution which it is known they have disapproved and condemneda most improper and unprecedented intervention by Congress with, and an attempt at coercion over, the people of Kansas. And this act has been so artfully devised as to receive different interpretations. Its meaning is a subject of dispute. It is a curiosity in more than one respect. A correct exposition of this extraordinary act, passed under the operation of the previous question, is a matter of great public interest; and I now avail myself of the first opportunity to examine "the Kansas conference act," intending only to give an outline of this leading measure of the Administration-to point out its false pretenses and false statements; to expose the frauds concealed and the purposes designed; to predict beforehand the course of proceeding that will be adopted under it; to hold it up in its true character to the scorn and condemnation of all honest men. Here, and now, I desire to place upon record my exposition of that act and my predictions of its consequences. Time will verify their truth and justice.

All that is important in the pretended facts set forth in the preamble are notoriously false! and every material provision of the act covers a fraud! I. The preamble states in substance that the people of Kansas did, by a convention, "form for themselves" the Lecompton constitution! The people of Kansas never made or adopted that instrument. It was the work of a faction, accomplished by fraud. The convention that made it was illegally called by an unauthorized Legislature, was illegally chosen and constituted; and did not, in any sense, represent the people of Kansas. I prove this:

1. By the Delegate representing the people of Kansas in Congress, who denies its authenticity and brands it as a fraud.

[blocks in formation]

3. By the People of Kansas themselves, who compelled its submission, and then spit upon it and spurned it! A few stragglers-128-voted for it. But the people denied that it was their act or deed, by a vote of 10,226! Could there be any stronger condemnation, or any higher proof that this thing was not made by the people?

4. By this very Congress that has passed the act. This House, by a majority of eight, rejected the Lecompton constitution and adopted the Crittenden amendment, sending the whole matter back to the people, because they had been allowed no voice in making or ratifying that constitution! In spite of party drill and discipline, and in defiance of sectional prejudices, a majority of this House determined that the people of Kansas should not be forced into the Union under this constitution, got up fraudulently by a minority, to establish slavery, but should be allowed to make a constitution for themselves!

Amongst those so voting, and, as they declared, for that especial reason, were the two members from Indiana, [Mr. ENGLISH and Mr. FOLEY;] the six members from Ohio, [Mr. Cox, Mr. COCKERILL, Mr. GROESBECK, Mr. HALL, Mr. LAWRENCE, and Mr. PENDLETON;] and the member from Pennsylvania, [Mr. OWEN JONES,] they first voted for the Crittenden amendment! and afterwards voted for this act! and without their votes it could not have passed! How could these men sanction this falsehood against all their previous declarations, letters, and speeches, and against their recorded votes?

II. It states (as a distinct and separate matter) that an ordinance was also adopted. Calhoun certifies that the ordinance was "submitted as a part of the constitution by the convention." The ordinance is here represented as a separate instrument; because it is intended to submit the ordinance to a vote; but not to submit the constitution, and the fact is misstated accordingly.

III. It is also stated that the constitution and the ordinance were presented to Congress, and that the ordinance was not acceptable to Congress. In legal effect, that is the same as saying the constitution was acceptable, and the ordinance objected to. "Expressio unius, exclusio alterius." That is falsehood number three. It was the constitution that was not acceptable to Congress, because it never had been sanctioned by the people, but had been rejected by them. No attention was paid to the ordinance. It fell, of course, with the constitution of which it formed a part. As a separate matter it was not objected to, or even considered or voted upon by Congress. The members I have referred to opposed this constitution, and voted to substitute the Crittenden amendment; yet now they vote to declare that this constitution was acceptable to Congress!

After these false statements, it declares the object of the act; that it is to ascertain whether the people concur in the changes in the ordinance, (not in the constitution,) and desire admission upon the terms proposed.

The act proposes the terms; all of which are upon the express condition that Kansas shall be doomed to slavery forever, under this rejected Lecompton constitution, which establishes slavery, and provides that it shall never be abolished! The terms are not offered to the people of Kansas, upon their admission as a State, but only in case of their admission under, and submission to, this rejected pro-slavery minority constitution. They are to be allowed no choice as to what constitution they shall adopt. They must accept the one to which they are opposed, but which is demanded by this Administration and the slave Democracy, or all the offers made by this act are withdrawn. Unless they will make Kansas a slave State, they can have no terms; and it is only with slavery that they can be admitted as a State under this act!

[ocr errors]

Ho. OF REPS.

proceeds of the sales of all the public lands in the Territory. I have procured from the Land Office

a statement of the amount:
Area of Kansas....
Equal to.....
School grant....

154 selected sections.......

Grant in lands......

126,283 sq. miles. 80,821,121 acres. 4,490,062 acres.

98,560 acres.

4,588,622 acres. $20,000,000

Worth at least (say).......
The five per cent. (say)............. 4,500,000
Value of proposed terms......................... $24,500,000!

Estimating the population of Kansas at forty thousand, (a fair estimate,) here is a bribe offered out of the public property of more than six hundred dollars each, to every man, woman, and child, in the Territory, to induce the people to change their votes, and make Kansas a slave State! A bribe in case the people surrender their right of adopting such a constitution as they approve, and accept the one dictated to them by the slave power, which they have once rejected, by a vote almost unanimous! To be paid, if they accept the price and change their votes, otherwise to be withheld! If an individual had offered a voter five dollars to change his vote on the same subject, he would` justly be subjected to criminal and infamous punishment! Yet this act proposes a wholesale system of bribery, for the purchase and sale of a majority of all the voters in the Territory! And that, too, without any regard to the ordinary rules of economy.

[ocr errors]

When the managers on the part of the House and Senate met to devise this scheme, a few votes were wanted in Congress, and a great many in Kansas, before the Lecompton constitution, by any artifice, could be adopted and put into operation. Had this act made a "proposition,' without any cover or indirection, to give every man in Congress, or in Kansas, who was opposed to the Lecompton constitution, and who would change his vote and support it, 2,000 acres of public lands, and a preference over all others in its selection and location, it would have been less objectionable than in its present form. It would not have included those who were already in its favor, and who therefore needed no bribe; it would not have included and insulted honest men, who would not take a bribe; it would have been a corrupt and immoral "proposition," but made only to the venal and corrupt; I have no doubt it would have saved three fourths of the amount that this act offers to give; and it would have said what it meant, plainly and directly.

But the infamy of this act is not yet fully disclosed. Not only does it offer a reward, if slavery is accepted, but it provides a penalty in case it is refused. It provides that Kansas shall not be admitted except as a slave State; shall not be admitted except under this constitution. If slavery and Lecompton are rejected, Kansas cannot be admitted as a State-not under this act; not for many years; not with its present population; not till it has been more than doubled; not till Congress sees fit to have a census taken; and then, (in case it has the required population,) as a slave or free State, as time and chance may determine. The people of Kansas may decide for slavery; but not for freedom!

This act allows the people of Kansas to choose whether they will accept the proffered bribe, but not what their constitution shall be. That is dictated to them, and against their will-imposed upon them. If they decide to be admitted, it must be as a slave State, or not at all. If they will not consent to slavery, they are to be sent back to that bitter school in which they have been instructed for the last four years, to learn submission. They are to be remanded back to a territorial condition, to the tender mercies of that odious despotism, beneath which they have suffered so long, and from which they are struggling for deliverance.

An insulting discrimination is made against freedom, in favor of slavery. It can be admitted now as a slave State, with a population of only forty thousand. But it cannot be admitted as a

IV. The first section of this act offers the people of Kansas two sections of the public lands in each township for schools, (equal to one eighteenth part of all the public lands;) seventy-two sections for a State university; ten sections for pub-free State. And this odious distinction-this preflic buildings; twelve salt springs with six sections of land adjoining to each, and five per cent. of the

erence of slavery over freedom-is made in reference to a Territory that was pledged to freedom

35TH CONG... 1ST SESS.

Exposition of the Kansas Conference Act-Mr. Bennett.

"forever!" for a full consideration accorded to the slave power. And when that pledge was broken, in violation of all good faith, another was made to leave the people free to decide. They have decided for freedom, emphatically, almost unanimously. And then comes this act of Congress, saying to the people of Kansas: "no matter for your decision; you can come in as a slave State, or you shall not be admitted!" The time may come when these instructions in congressional non-intervention may return to plague the inventors; when the discrimination will be against slavery, and in favor of freedom.

The offer contained in this act has no precedent or parallel. The only thing at all resembling it occured more than eighteen hundred years ago. When Satan tempted our Savior, and offered Him all the lands they beheld from the top of "an exceeding high mountain," if He would fall down and worship him, he made very much such an offer as this act makes to the people of Kansas, if they will fall down and worship slavery. But to give the Devil his due, he had not the impudence to couple with it any promised revenge in case it was refused, such as this act provides! This proposition far outdoes that in its meanness and malignity. The penalty enacted for non-acceptance is more oppressive and tyrannical a hundred fold, than even the proffered bribe! Take it all in all, it is the most infamous proposition ever adopted by any legislative assembly! The most insulting one ever submitted to any people who claimed to be free!

V. Section second is a master-piece of ingenuity in devising ways and means to render certain the success of the Lecompton constitution and of slavery, at the election provided for; if not by the votes of the people, at least by the returns of the officers, who are to be put in charge, with full power to accomplish that purpose.

It provides that the Governor, Secretary, and District Attorney-all appointed by the President -and the Speaker of the House, and President of the Council, shall be a board of commissioners under the act; any three of whom shall constitute a board; and that this partisan pro-slavery board, appointed by the President, shall have power1. To establish new precincts for voting. 2. To cause polls to be opened at such places as it may deem proper, in the counties and election precincts.

3. To appoint three judges of election at each place of voting, any two of whom may act.

4. To appoint such persons as they may deem proper, in the place of the sheriffs and their deputies, to preserve peace and good order.

5. To appoint the day of holding said election. 6. To prescribe the time of said election. 7. To prescribe the manner of said election. 8. To prescribe the places of said election. 9. To direct the time within which returns must be made.

10. To declare the result of said election. Unlimited powers, without any appeal or review!

they had the majority,) and desiring no fraud, offered this to the other party as a pledge of fairness at the election. It was like the law of New York, which requires the Inspectors of election to be elected equally from the different partieseach holding a check upon the other. This the free-State party offered, t remove all suspicion of an unfair party board. This board is not made up in that manner. Three out of five are appointed by the President, and three are declared a board. The board is therefore appointed by the President, who represents the minority, or the pro-slavery party, in Kansas, and is their most willing and willful confederate! The two others have no power; they need not be consulted or notified! This act places, therefore, in the hands of three men, appointed by the President, the power of selecting every judge and officer of election in Kansas, the power of fixing its future destiny, by declaring it entitled to admission as a slave State! (But not as a free State, for fear of some unlucky accident!) Can any one doubt the result? Knowing what has been done in Kansas; knowing that fraud, forgery, perjury, and mu der, have all been committed there to establish slavery, is there any reason to doubt they will be again resorted to, if necessary, in this last effort? Is there any reason to doubt that enough forged and false returns will be made to secure its triumph at this election? In December nearly 3,000 fictitious votes were returned from four precincts, merely to keep in practice, and make up a show, when no votes were given by the other party. Now, with every means for cheating given by this act, and the strongest motives for fraud, will these same men become suddenly honest against all temptation?

Congress never before interfered with any State or Territory having election districts and voting precincts established by law; Judges, and Officers of election, and Sheriff's chosen and qualified according to law; to annul the laws, change the precincts, and remove the officers; allowing the President to appoint in their places three unscrupu lous partisan commissioners, removable and changeable at his will, with full and unlimited power, to appoint all the Judges, Officers of election, Sheriff's, &c.; establish precincts and places for voung; to aid their party in any way they please; to do in all things as they please, control the whole matter, make what rules they please, admit or reject what votes or returns they please, decide as they please, and declare the result; giving to them, as to this election, absolute, unlimited power; answerable to no one, accountable to no one; and without the slightest check or restraint imposed!

It is said unscrupulous partisans will not be appointed. No others can be, or will be, appointed under this Administration. It is morally impossible. In all this matter the most reckless leaders of a desperate faction have been the advisers of the President. Infatuated and obstinate, he will listen

only to them. "None are so blind as those that

will not see, or so deaf as those that will not hear."
The favored appointees of the President have all
been men like Calhoun and Lecompte, the worst
of pro-slavery partisans. When any man is found
to be honest, he is removed. Honesty is a dis-
qualification; for that Geary, Walker, and Stan-
ton were removed! If an office-holder tells the
truth when under oath as a witness, it is sufficient
cause for removal; for that Dennis was removed!

Will the people of Kansas maintain their rights
like freemen, or submit like slaves? If they will
surrender their principles, their independence,
their inherent and inalienable right of self-govern-

By the organic act, the people were to be left perfectly free to form their own constitution in their own way. There was to be no intervention by Congress or by the President. The President has no right to appoint any of the officers of election in any organized State or Territory, or any board to appoint them, and never should be allowed to do so. It is intervention, and most improper intervention. These are local officers, chosen and qualified according to law, and with whom the President has no right to interfere. Why are these officers all removed, and this powerment, promised to them by the organic act, and to appoint them taken out of the hands of the People and given to the President? Is it that he may fill their places with such men as Calhoun ? Can any other reason be rendered? The people have a right to appoint these officers. And no law giving this authority to the President was ever before devised or enacted.

It is true, the Crittenden amendment provided for a board of commissioners, composed of the Governor, Secretary, President of the Council, and Speaker-two of them appointed by the President, and two elected by the people. But the reason for that was because the free-State party, having all the officers of election, (rightfully, for

guarantied to all by the Constitution, they are of-
fered a large reward, and immediate admission?
If they will not submit to this degrading dicta-
tion; if they dare to maintain their own opinions,
and to prefer freedom to slavery, pains and pen-
alties are provided, and a severe punishment in-
flicted. They are left perfectly free to do-as the
slave power commands! Free to decide for them-
seives between liberty and slavery! But slavery
established in the Territory by Congress, shall
be established as a State institution! Free to form
their own constitution-but they must adopt the
one framed at Lecompton, or none! Free to accept
slavery, but not to reject it! They may be ad-

[ocr errors]

HO. OF REPS.

mitted as a slave State, but not as a free State! Even the bogus convention allowed a choice between two pro-slavery constitutions! This act allows no choice! It insults the people of Kansas by demanding submission to that very constitution upon which they have placed the seal of their condemnation!

The people of Kansas will not be seduced by the promised reward, or intimidated by the threat of punishment; they will scorn the one and defy the other. But the people of Kansas cannot control the tools the pro-slavery party will prompt the President to use, or the judges and officers of election that will be appointed! And it is by fraud that this proposition" will be declared ac cepted, and Kansas admitted as a slave State; and that is the design! And mark the prediction: Calhoun will now declare the pro-slavery State officers, and perhaps Legislature, elected, contrary to the truth, as certified by Governor Denver. Ít will all aid in the intended purpose of this Administration and of the slave Democracy-that of forcing slavery upon the people of Kansas!

Let us examine in detail the powers of this proslavery board, imposed by this act upon a free people, to appoint their local officers without their consent, after removing those legally appointed by them.

1. To establish new precincts and places of voting! This they may do at any time, or in any manner, and without any notice. On the morning of elec tion every precinct may be changed, and the polls opened in any remote corner, or cabin. And not a free-State voter need he informed where he can vote, or towards what point of the compass he must direct his steps to find the polls! What a splendid chance for Delaware Crossing returns! And all according to law!

2. To cause polls to be opened at such places as they may deem proper! Under this act, polls may be opened in any back room of this extended and thinly-settled Territory, and votes returned to any amount. What a coaxing invitation to a few border ruffians, with a Directory, is here extended, and perfect protection given by law!

3. To appoint three judges of election, any two of whom may act! By this, the legal judges and officers of election are displaced, and these commissioners may appoint others-they will appoint partisans, of course-to do any part of this work they may hestitate to do themselves. This is the intention. It will be strange if they cannot find, among the border-ruffians of Kansas, at least two men in each precinct willing to do anything ne cessary for the triumph of slavery. Judges of election must be men of some character to hold the place. But these temporary judges, who hold office only for a single day and for a specific pur pose, will be those who are the most reckless and who will do the most to accomplish the result desired by the appointing power!

4. To displace the sheriffs and their deputies, and appoint others to preserve the peace! This is rather strong. It probably will admit of a military force, to act as a posse comitatus, to vote and to keep away free-State voters. The border-ruffians of Kansas have an instinctive fear of sheriff's and their deputies! This act respects their prejudices!

5, 6, 7, and 8. To fix the day for election, and to prescribe the time, manner, and places of election! This power is unlimited in every respect. No notice of the day of election need be given; or if given, they judge what is sufficient notice. Nothing is fixed by law; everything is left to their discretion, that they may act as circumstances may require. So as to each of the other provisions as to the time, manner, and places of election. The power of establishing new places of voting is deemed so essential that it is twice enumerated! 9. To fix the time for the return of the votes! This is also left to their discretion. It may be fixed so short as to exclude the returns from all the inte rior and western counties, where the free-State vote is nearly unanimous. Half the returns may be excluded under this act, just as half the counties were disfranchised under the registry law.

10. To announce the result! Again, at their dis cretion, after rejecting such returns as they hold are not properly made, or not in time, and such votes as they call illegal for any reason, or without any reason, they can do as Calhoun did, de

35TH CONG....1ST SESS.

clare the result when it is expedient, and not before. There is no limitation or restriction. Indeed, they may require another election; the act says "elections," and may be intended for two or more. They can announce the result when one county is canvassed, or keep back their decision for months or years!

The powers given by this act are so general that any or all of the things I have stated, and many more, may be done; besides the false returns that may be made from any place of voting, by the judges who will be selected by the commissioners, for their zeal in the cause, as Mr. Hand was elected clerk of the Lecompton convention, by acclamation, because he had been engaged in election frauds! Power given is always used; and this will be used to its utmost limit, in favor of the border ruffian party.

I am told that no men would outrage public sentiment by doing anything so unfair as I have supposed, although they might have the power

under this act.

Gracious Heaven! What is it that can outrage public sentiment, that the pro-slavery party have not done in Kansas? And are not all their acts defended by the Administration and the dominant party here? When a judge, appointed by the President, discharged an indicted murderer without trial, and the Governor complained of the outrage and asked his removal, the Governor was first treated with insolence and then removed, and the judge retained in office! He that talks of the restraints of public sentiment upon the pro-slavery officials of Kansas, can know but little of its past history, or of the border-ruffian party. Public sentiment will be no restraint; a military force is stationed in Kansas to crush it out, and to enforce the law-when it favors slavery!

This act gives full, free scope to fraud, without one word to provide against or prevent it. I assume it was intended to be used for that purpose, and could not be intended for any other. Men are presumed to intend the natural and necessary consequences of their acts. And knowing the frauds that have been committed by the pro-slavery party of Kansas at their elections, this act is sent to them, containing ten distinct provisions, each opening wide the door to unnumbered frauds, and inviting to their commission. The means are provided for those who are ready to use them, and a pro-slavery board is given to prompt them on, and to appoint pro-slavery judges and officers of election at every place of voting, who will be aiding and assisting, or the principals to see that the right returns for their side are made!

If instruments for counterfeiting should be furnished to a band of men known to have been for years engaged in that business, those who furnished the means would be as criminal as those who used them, or put the money into circulation. The law would presume they intended, when they sent the tools, that they should be used, and would hold them equally responsible. Yet no engraving was ever made more perfect for counterfeiting than this act is made for the commission of election frauds. I defy the ingenuity of man to make it more so. It is an enabling act, giving impunity to fraud, with proper judges and officers of election, and they will be selected; it is perfect. Is not this act, by which the legal judges and officers of election are removed, and a party board appointed to choose others, for party purposes, in their places clothed with unlimited power, itself a fraud and an invitation to fraud? Could anything be more dishonest or more villainous ? VI. By the third section, all white male inhabitants who could vote under the law for the election of the Legislature in October last, and no others, are allowed to vote. By this law, no person who had not been for six months previous an actual resident, could vote at that election. This law only added an additional disqualification of six months' residence, and in no other respect altered or repealed the general law. By the general law, every free white male citizen of the United States, and every free male Indian, who is made a citizen, over the age of twenty-one years, "who shall be an inhabitant of the Territory, and of the county or district in which he offers to vote, and who shall have paid a territorial tax, shall be a qualified elector.” But no person convicted of any violation of any provision of the fugitive slave act of 1793, or of

[blocks in formation]

Whether such conviction were by criminal proceedings SPEECH OF HON. I. I. STEVENS,

or by civil action.

"And if any person offering to vote shall be challenged, and required to take an oath or affirmation, to be administered by one of the judges of the election, that he will sustain the provisions of the above recited acts of Congress, [the fugitive slave acts,] and of the act to organize the Territories of Nebraska and Kansas, approved May 30, 1854, and shall refuse to take such oath or affirmation, the vote of such person shall be rejected."

The general law also provides that when a voter is challenged

"The judges of the election may examine him touching his right to vote, and if so examined, no evidence to contradict him shall be received; or the judges may, in the first instance, receive other evidence, in which event, the applicant may, if he desire it, demand to be sworn ; but his testimony shall not then be conclusive."

By a subsequent act, the test oaths required to be taken in order to vote, have been repealed.

1. Under this act of Congress, and the laws of Kansas, a citizen, to be entitled to vote, must have resided six months in the Territory. This will exclude thousands of bona fide citizens; all who have gone there this season, although actual and permanent residents of Kansas, and as much entitled to a voice in framing its organic law, under which they are to live, as any other citizens. Emigration is greatly in favor of the free-State party, and therefore this six months' disqualification and this exclusion!

2. Must have paid a territorial tax. This, if enforced, will exclude thousands more, in fact a great majority of the free-State party!

3. Must have sustained all the fugitive slave acts, at least, not have violated any provision of any such law. This, it is not likely, would exclude many voters. But it is worthy of note, as a specimen of the Democratic negro mania in legislation, both in Kansas and in Congress. It shows the animus by which that party are actuated. I call it the slave Democracy, because it has no longer any distinctive principle beyond the extension of slavery. The name is therefore appropriate and expressive of the present condition and policy of the Democratic party.

When voters are challenged, these party judges of election can swear the voter, if he is of their party; and, if he thinks or claims to be a voter, his evidence is conclusive and cannot be contradicted; but if he is a free-State voter, the judges can "receive other evidence;" and then, if the voter is sworn, his evidence is not conclusive. It is, then, a question of evidence, for the judges to decide. In one case, the vote must be admitted; in the other, it can and will be rejected! Is not this law as fair and as impartial as the party board of commissioners; or as the judges they will appoint to administer it?

OF WASHINGTON,

IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,

May 25, 1858.

The House being in the Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union

Mr. STEVENS said:

Mr. CHAIRMAN: My object in addressing the committee is to present some observations in regard to the Pacific railroad. I am not impelled to speak because I have been connected with the explorations. I am not here the explorer; nor do I rise here to speak as the explorer, but as the representative of the most distant people of our country, situated on the shores of that great ocean, soon, I trust, to be joined with the shores of the ocean hitherward by roads of iron. This is a great national question, and should not be discussed in a sectional point of view. As a western-coast man, dear as is to my heart the home of my adoption-Puget Sound and the Territory of Washington-I see not Puget Sound, I see not the Territory of Washington, but Puget Sound, the Columbia entrance, San Francisco. San Diego, and the other ports of that extended coast. I see Washington, and Oregon, and California. As a national man, crossing the Rocky Mountains, I see both our water lines. Northwards, the line of the great lakes, the New York canals, the river St. Lawrence, its vast and rapidly increasing commerce; great grain ports, from which vessels without breaking bulk, pass on to Europe; grain ports surpassing the grain ports of the olden world; and the line of railroads upon the northern and the southern shore; and southward, the Mexican Gulf and the Caribean stretching not half way across the continent, but reducing that continent to a narrow isthmus, from whose heights one hears the roaring surges of either ocean. From her ports, Galveston, Matagorda, New Orleans, Mobile, and Pensacola, issues forth the great bulk of our foreign exports; and there we have a commerce rivaling the commerce of the most favored sea.

Such is our rounded and ample domain, magnificent water lines, and a teeming commerce, north and south-vast ocean coasts, east and west, making our country the natural center of the communication, population, and civilization of this habitable globe.

From this stand point, national and comprehensive, I will now proceed to take a survey of our country. First, I will glance at our western coast, VII. This act does not submit the constitution show its resources, and ultimate development; to the people, it requires the people to submit to then I will endeavor to grasp and present the very the constitution! The only thing to be voted upon genius of our interior; then I will dwell upon the is, whether the people of Kansas will accept a gift tendencies of population, and communications worth $24,500,000? Every voter in Kansas is in from our line of frontier States, moving onwards favor of that proposition! And if accepted, they to the peaceful conquest of that interior, and that are to be admitted as a State. That is a stillslope, by occupation and settlement; which done, stronger inducement. But the law enacts, that if the gift is accepted, and the State admitted, it must be as a slave State, and under the Lecompton constitution! If that is refused, they are not to have the gift, and are not to be admitted. Admission as a slave State, under that constitution, can never be consented to, let the consequences be what they may. That should be the unalterable determination of the people of Kansas and of the free States. While the people of Kansas would gladly accept the gift, and while they earnestly desire admission, yet not for this-nor for any offered price-will they abandon their principles, or surrender their just rights!

They will reject this proposition," and yet by fraud and false returns, it will be declared accepted! (unless these party judges are alarmed into being honest, by an indignant people) and slavery forced upon Kansas! When that is done the question will not be settled-like Banquo's ghost, it will rise again before you, to push from their seats the doughfaces that passed this act. It will present the fraud and demand redress. It will not down. It will never be settled, until justice is done, fairly and honestly, to the people of Kansas; then, and not till then, will this question be settled.

I will endeavor to deduce the governmental action required by the spirit of the age in which we live, demanded by the exigencies of the public service, looking to the national defenses; looking to the business of the Government, as a great landed proprietor; as a carrier of the mails; as having to transport troops, supplies, and munitions of war; and endeavor to show that all these require that we should carve our way, not on one, but at least on three routes, to the shores of the great western ocean. And first the western slope.

It is scarcely ten years since we had a western coast. We have acquired California only within about ten years; Oregon became ours by the treaty of 1849-nine years ago; and yet, in this space of nine or ten years, we find that we have planted upon that coast, civilization and empire; and six hundred thousand American freemen, whose hearts beat responsive to the hearts of their brethren on this side of the mountains, have there made known the arts and arms and future destinies of this great country-all this in the short space of nine or ten years. Look at the obstruction in the way of this development of the western coast. One half the time the emigrant routes have been blocked up, death was upon the route, savage foes, calamity, and dire vicissitudes, and our

« ՆախորդըՇարունակել »