riage that was now solemnized. Louis called it indeed but the shadow of a marriage; but the union which he had referred to in the treaty could be by no means of a more complete kind, inasmuch as no period, within the specified limits of three years, could have brought Henry and Margaret to a really marriageable age. Espousals, such as took place in the present instance, were perfectly common in those days, and even to a time nearly approaching our own. As much solemnity had been given to them as was possible, by the presence of the Legates and the full consent of the Church. The marriage was therefore in every respect what had been contemplated by the treaty, and the Templars merely did their bounden duty in giving up the Vexin to him who had now the only just right to claim it.

Justice, however—at least in the interpretation of treaties-was not in those days more to be found than at present. Louis, stimulated into wrath, by the instigations it is supposed of the Count of Champagne and his brothers, the Counts of Blois and Sancerre, accused Henry, in vehement terms, of fraud and deceit, drove the Knights Templars, who had delivered the castles to Henry, out of his kingdom, and instantly commenced preparations for war instead of remonstrating in moderate terms, as he might have done with dignity and justice, upon the secrecy with which the King of England had thought fit to envelop his proceedings.

While the King of France thus made ready to attack Henry in the spring, his three new brothers-in-law were not idle; but with activity far surpassing that of the King himself, prepared to carry on a desultory war against the English monarch from the side of Blois. This sort of predatory frontier warfare was one of the most annoying features in the contests of those days; but the purposes of the three Counts were soon made evident to the King of England, by their assembling a large body of troops, and proceeding to fortify, in a very strong manner, the castle of Chaumont, in the County of Blois.

Henry, however, on his part, had not taken the decided step which he had adopted, without being prepared for the consequences; and he no sooner received intelligence of the measures pursued by his adversaries, than he took up arms to meet the coming evil. Without waiting for any more formal notification, he marched at once with a large force towards Chaumont, which was claimed as an old fief by Hugh of Amboise, one of his own vassals. The Counts of Champagne and Sancerre, thinking their proceedings quite secure, had retired with their forces, leaving their brother, the Count of Blois, to complete the fortification which they had begun. The news of Henry's rapid march caused that Prince also to retire, and the English monarch seized upon the town and territory in question, which he imme

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diately gave or restored to Hugh of Amboise, who was an hereditary enemy of the house of Blois.

This done, the King of England returned into Normandy, and employed the winter season in putting all parts of his continental territories into a state of complete preparation to resist the efforts of his adversaries. The Vexin of course obtained a particular share of his attention, both as a district peculiarly necessary to the security of Normandy, and as one which opened the way almost to the gates of Paris. The strong castles which it contained were put in the most perfect condition of defence; men and provisions were supplied wherever they were wanted; and the whole frontier, before the spring had advanced far, was bristling with spears and armoured with fortresses.

As soon as the weather would permit him to take the field, Louis sent an army into the Norman Vexin; but every city, town, or castle that he approached, was found completely prepared for resistance, and he dared not undertake any siege, but retired before Henry, who, at the head of a large force, followed him across the frontier, and seemed determined to bring the quarrel to the issue of battle. Henry, however, was as cautious as he was active, and was very willing to hear proposals of pacification at all times, well knowing that whatever was gained must be upon his own part, if he granted, rather than demanded, a peace. The Pope interfered to reconcile the two monarchs of France

and England; several of his envoys busied themselves to remove any difficulties that might lie in the way; and a truce was concluded in the month of June, almost as soon as the war had begun.

The fickle character of Louis rendered such changes in his determinations by no means extraordinary; but in the present instance there might be motives of a very powerful kind operating upon his weak and bigotted mind. A schism at that time divided the church, and caused great scandal in Christendom, in consequence of a double election which had taken place after the death of Pope Adrian IV, if that could be called a double election, indeed, in which three votes were given to one candidate, and twenty-three to the other.

The person who obtained the greatest number of votes, was Orlando of Sienna, Cardinal of St. Callisto, and Chancellor of the Roman Church. His opponent was Octavian, Cardinal of St. Cecilia. The former had already shewn himself a marked enemy of the Emperor, Frederic Barbarossa; and we are even told that he had bound himself by an unlawful oath, with other confederates, to pursue measures the most hostile to the Emperor and his party in Italy. So much party rancour indeed ensued, and so many falsehoods were propagated on both sides, that the above statement may possibly be a calumny, as the moral and religious character of Orlando stands very high. It is evident however that he was decidedly opposed to the Emperor, and

that Frederic strove, with undisguised anxiety, to raise Octavian to the Papal throne.

The Popes had been daily encroaching upon the old rights and privileges of the empire; and after a struggle of centuries, had succeeded in excluding the Emperors from all power in the election of the Bishops of Rome. On the other hand, as it could be clearly proved that the Emperors had formerly the right of confirming the election, Frederic made every effort, if not to resume the full exercise of that right, at least to regain some portion of the authority which his predecessors had weakly abandoned. The opportunity afforded by the double election of Orlando and Octavian was of course taken advantage of by the Emperor. He did not indeed pretend to resume at once the power of deciding between the two candidates, as such a proceeding might have armed against him the jealousy of the whole church; but he declared that the election should be investigated before a council of the Roman empire, and that by its decision the claims of the two Cardinals should be judged. In the meantime, Orlando took the name of Alexander III., and Octavian assumed the name of Victor III. The latter, however, was recognized in Rome, while Alexander made his escape with difficulty from the Imperial city, where he ran some risk of his life, and was consecrated by the Bishop of Ostia, on the twenty-ninth of September, 1159.

Frederic proceeded immediately to summon a