bably this phenomenon which gave rise to a report mentioned by the good monk of Mailros, that various persons in England had seen the sea on fire.

Certain it is, that the season seems to have been very tempestuous, and also very unhealthy; but neither distance nor weather offered any impediment to the incessant activity of the English king. So rapid were all his movements, that when he came from Ireland through England into France, Louis, on being informed of his arrival, exclaimed in a peevish tone, "This King, now in Ireland, now in England, now in Normandy, must fly, rather than ride or sail." The winter was scarcely past, when he sent for his son to join him at Chinon in

paruit in cœlo signum mirabile nocte plusquam media. Nam rubor quidam videbatur in aere inter orientem et occidentum in parte aquilonali. Radii autem albi per transversum ruboris illius erant, qui nunc graciles in modum lancearum, nunc vero lati in modum tabularum, et nunc hic nunc ibi quasi à terra sursum in cœlum erecti. Erant prædicti radii candidi ut radii solis cum densissimam penetrant nubem. Subsecutus est splendor lucidus auroræ similis æstivæ cum in diem clare lucescit; postremo densissima nubes subnigra in eodem climate quasi à terra elevata est, quæ diem illum paulatim succrescens obumbravit." The extreme accuracy of this description, when compared with the wild. and absurd accounts of similar phenomena, by many of the monks of that day, of which I have given a specimen in the description of the storm at Scarborough, affords reason to repose with considerable confidence upon the narrative of Gervase in other particulars; especially when we find that the prejudices of his order do not lead him to conceal the errors of the clergy.

Anjou, where he had remained with Eleanor his Queen; and on the arrival of the younger Henry, the whole court set out immediately for Mont Ferrand in Auvergne, at which place the King of England had appointed to meet the Count of Maurienne and Savoy, the Count of Toulouse, and many other nobles, for the twofold purpose of betrothing John, the King's youngest son, to the daughter of the Count of Maurienne, and of terminating amicably with the Lord of Toulouse the differences which had arisen from the claims of Henry to the sovereignty of that district.

The meeting took place in the middle of February, and was the most splendid that ever was seen in that part of the world. Besides the personages we have mentioned, the King of Arragon, and the Count of Vienne, each with a large train, were present; and the King of England displayed all the imposing parade of royalty, which his vast wealth and possessions enabled him to call forth when he thought fit, although he was naturally simple in his own habits, and an enemy to ostentation. The marriage between Prince John and the daughter of the Count of Maurienne had been already agreed upon, and nothing remained to be settled but the dowry of the princess and the appanage of the prince. The Count, who, it seems, entertained no expectation whatsoever of having male issue, now settled the whole of his dominions upon his daughter, in case of

his death without a son; and also agreed that, even if an heir were granted to him, a large and important part of his territories should descend as the portion of the bride. It was also arranged that, if the Princess should die before the marriage could be consummated, John was to wed her younger sister; and in the meantime, the future bride was entrusted to the somewhat dangerous guardianship of Henry the Second. It does not appear that any territories were expressly stipulated as the appanage of John, or that any thing was given as an equivalent for this vast heritage, except a few thousand marks of silver. The treaty was sworn to on both parts, and at the time the alliance seemed to afford universal satisfaction.

The differences between the Count of Toulouse and Henry were terminated amicably, that prince agreeing to do homage to the Counts of Poitou *

* Lord Lyttleton, following the account of Diceto and others, and also Dom Vaisette in his History of Languedoc, declares that the Count of Toulouse, for himself and his successors, promised to do homage and feudal service to the Dukes of Aquitaine. This, however, is not exactly correct, the account of Hoveden being much more accurate. That writer says, that he agreed to do homage to the Counts of Poitou; and it must be remembered that Toulouse did not hold of Aquitaine, but of Poitou. The account of Dom Vaisette, indeed, is altogether inaccurate, and only shews what absurdities can be committed in history by not attending to dates. He represents Henry and Eleanor as going to Limoges in the midst of the quarrels be

saving his duty to the King of France; but Richard not having accompanied his father to the meeting at Mont Ferrand, the act of homage was put off for some weeks. The Count appears, however, to have attached himself sincerely to Henry for the time, so much so indeed as to give him the first distinct information that evil was plotting against him in the household of his eldest son.

After some time spent in festivity and joy, the King of England and his court separated from the other princes who had assembled at Mont Ferrand, and took their way towards Limoges. In that city -where it would appear that Richard then was— the Count of Toulouse presented himself, and did homage to the English prince and to his father as Counts of Poitou, promising to serve at their summons for forty days at his own expense, and longer upon a reasonable payment. He also agreed to give for Toulouse and its appurtenances, each year, a hundred marks of silver, or ten war horses, each of the value of ten marks.

At Limoges the King of England was again visited by the Count of Maurienne and Savoy, who, on this occasion-it would seem for the first

tween the King of England and his son Henry. He places this in 1172, and makes Henry at that time and place dispose of the Duchy of Aquitaine in favour of Richard, and about the same time arrange the marriage of Geoffrey, his third son, with Constance of Britanny. It is unnecessary to tell the reader, that not one word of all this is accurate.

time-enquired what territorial possessions the King of England intended to give to his son John on his marriage. Henry replied, that he would give him the Castles of Loudun, Chinon, and Mirabel; but on this being announced to the younger Henry, he objected, and positively refused to consent that such an engagement should be entered into. In consequence of this offensive conduct, Henry, following, it is supposed, the suggestion of the Count of Toulouse, removed from the household of his son several of that Prince's chief officers, and especially a young nobleman, named Asculfus de St. Hilaire; but this step, instead of diminishing the evil, only served to bring any hesitation in the mind of the young King to

an end.

He

Leaving Limoges, and taking his son with him, surrounded closely by his own servants, Henry again turned his steps towards Normandy; but ere he had gone far, the Prince contrived to escape the vigilance of those who were watching him, and mounting his horse by night, fled with all speed to the court of the King of France. first directed his steps towards Alençon, and thence to Argentan; but then, instead of proceeding to Caen, as was probably his first intention, he turned from his course, and traversing a wild and hilly part of the country, made the best of his way to Chartres. From some contemporary accounts, it would seem that he was accompanied by several of