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time had been allowed for him to decide, for only a fortnight intervened between the day of the retreat of the French forces from the walls of Rouen and that of the meeting at Gisors; and allowing the time necessary for arranging that meeting, only twelve days remained for the French King to send messengers from Gisors to a distant part of Poitou, a distance of more than three hundred miles, and for Richard, after holding councils and making any arrangements he thought fit, to return to the north and meet his father at the place of conference. Considering the difficulties of travelling in those days, the length of way, the disturbed state of the country, the interposition of a large part of Henry's territories between the camp of the King of France and the English monarch's insurgent son, it was decidedly unreasonable to suppose that Richard could, without some very extraordinary exertion, be present at the conference at Gisors. This will be the more evident if we recollect that it had taken four days and a half for a messenger, proceeding at all speed, to carry to Henry the news of the capture of the King of Scotland, though the distance was less than that which lay between Richard and the French monarch, and though the courier of Ranulph de Glanville travelled night and day. Notwithstanding these circumstances, and notwithstanding the oath which he had taken to make no peace with Henry that did not include all the sons of the English

monarch, the perfidious King of France and the brothers of Richard met their successful adversary at Gisors, and without any consideration for the young Duke of Aquitaine, prolonged the truce which had been concluded after the delivery of Rouen, till the 29th of September, when a new conference was appointed to be held between Tours and Amboise. In the meantime, they agreed to give no assistance whatsoever to Richard, but to leave his father free to compel him by force of arms to submit. We have not the slightest reason to believe that the Prince, whose interest they thus betrayed, had shown any obstinacy, though that fact has been asserted by modern writers; indeed we do not know that the messengers of the King of France had brought back his reply, or had even found him; and therefore we are fully justified in looking on the concessions made by Louis and the rest of the confederates at Gisors, as a gross and scandalous abandonment of one of the confederates by the others; in which point of view, as I shall soon show, it was regarded by Richard himself.

Henry lost not a moment in taking advantage of the opportunity thus basely afforded him, and marched with a large army to attack his son in Poitou. The force left at the disposal of the English king by his treaty with the King of France was so great that the insurgent Prince could have no hope of contending with him unaided, although we find that he had already taken a number of fortresses in

that county. Not conceiving it possible, however, that his brothers and the other confederates who had first led him into rebellion, would now altogether abandon him, he resolved to hold out, in the hope that they would give him assistance, or at least effect some diversion in his favour. His heart was too bold and firm to believe that mighty princes and kings, supported by the whole power of two warlike nations, and bound by the most solemn vows to each other, would fall prone under the first touch of adversity, and leave one of their number without the slightest aid or support. He therefore retreated before the royal army from castle to castle, in the daily hope of receiving succour from his allies. At length, however, intelligence reached him of the convention entered into at Gisors; and, finding himself utterly betrayed and abandoned to the wrath of his father, his resolution gave way under a sense of danger and of wrong; and with one of those bursts of fearless generosity which characterised him, without making any terms or demanding any hostages for his safety, he mounted his horse, sought the camp of the English King, and cast himself with tears of mingled sorrow and indignation at Henry's feet.*

*I do not scruple to affirm that the account of this transaction given both by Lord Lyttleton and Mr. Berington, as well as that of Dr. Lingard, are altogether contrary to history. I have shown that the time which was allowed for messengers to seek Richard and to summon him to the conference at Gisors, and for

His submission was accepted with paternal kindness, the King and his son entered the city of

the young Prince to reach that town, was unreasonably short, and I know of no contemporary author who declares that any answer was returned by Richard at all. Gervase does not tell us anything that took place at the conference at Gisors, neither does Diceto, neither does William of Newbury. None of them mention that Richard refused to be included in the truce. None of them say that he knew of it at all, and yet Lord Lyttleton declares that Richard refused singly the conditions proposed. Pompous Mr. Berington calls him the "stubborn youth;" and Dr. Lingard says that Richard alone, the King's second son, refused to be included in the provisions of the armistice concluded at Gisors. For the whole of this account he quotes Hoveden, a contemporary who was certainly with the court of Henry, and probably about his person, during the whole expedition. But what does Hoveden really tell us? If there be not some secret manner of translating the words of an historian, Hoveden says the direct contrary, and by his whole account shows that Richard probably did not know of the conference at all, and certainly knew none of the "provisions" of the armistice. The words of Hoveden are these :-"A few days after (the delivery of Rouen), the King of France sent the aforesaid Archbishop of Sens and Count Theobald to the King of England, fixing the day of conference at Gisors, for the nativity of St. Mary; but when they came there it was not possible to agree upon anything on account of Richard Count of Poitou, who was at that time in Poitou, making war against the castles and men of his father; and therefore they agreed upon a conference elsewhere, that is to say, on the feast of St. Michael, between Tours and Amboise; and a truce was agreed upon between them on this condition, that Richard Count of Poitou should be excluded from the truce, and that the King of France and the young King of England should give him no succour. This being agreed on both parts, the elder King of England marched his army into

Poitiers as friends, and went thence together to the conference between Amboise and Tours, which took place on the morrow of St. Michael.

If the King of France and the rest of the confederates had been anxious for peace before the subjection of Richard, they were, of course, not less disposed to it now, when they saw him appear, restored to his father's friendship and favour, and detached altogether from their cause, by their own ungenerous conduct. This fact, as well as other great advantages which Henry had lately gained, acted, undoubtedly, as the motive for diminishing to a very great extent the concessions which the King of England had previously offered to make; and, probably, had he been so inclined, he might have resisted still farther the pretensions of his children, so much were they depressed by the reverses which had befallen their arms. He was inclined, however, to concede much for the sake of peace; and in the conference between Tours and Amboise certain terms of agreement were

Poitou. Richard Count of Poitou, not daring to wait his father's advance, fled from place to place; but when it was told him, that the King of France and his brother had excluded him from the truce, he was moved with indignation thereat, and coming with tears, he cast himself prone on the earth at the feet of his father, and praying forgiveness, was received into his father's bosom." These are the exact words of Hoveden as I find them, and yet this is the authority quoted by Dr. Lingard, when he declares that Richard refused to be included in the provisions of the armistice.

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