and good government, producing that gratitude and affection which is in truth the liege homage of the heart.

To the treaty between the Kings of Scotland and England, which was antecedent to the convention signed at Falaise between Henry and his sons, is affixed the name of Prince Richard as one of the witnesses. He here takes the title of Count of Poitou; nothing having been said, apparently, on either part, in regard to his claims upon Aquitaine. Every circumstance indeed, shows that there must have been many negociations and conferences about this time, of which we are totally ignorant. In some of these transactions it is not improbable that the name of the unhappy Queen Eleanor was mentioned, and that an effort was made to free her from that imprisonment to which her unfaithful husband had subjected her, as a punishment for inciting rebellion against him in his own family and dominions. It is scarcely

possible to conceive that the children whom she had nourished with such tender affection, and

* In the convention between Henry and his sons, this treaty is clearly referred to; the expression used to express the agreements entered into with certain prisoners being exactly the same which is placed at the head of the convention with the King of Scotland. In the treaty between Henry and his sons we find, "Prisones vero, qui cum Domino Rege finem fecerunt;" and that with the King of Scots is entitled, "IIæc, est conventio et finis, &c."

over whose minds she possessed such power, should make no effort to soften the indignation of their father; or that Louis, King of France, notwithstanding the mean acts of which he was frequently guilty, should, after his solemn oath, so entirely forget the interests which he had vowed to uphold, as not to make some attempt, by persuasion, threat, or negociation, to liberate his former wife. If any such efforts were made, however, Henry continued obdurate, and the Queen was destined to remain in prison for a long series of years. Perhaps the passions of the English king had in this result a greater share than his policy; and that in confining a rebellious and artful queen, he delivered himself from the restraint of a jealous and irritable wife. We are, at all events, justified in believing that such might be his object, by the great and notorious licentiousness which disgraced the monarch's character.

In regard to the Earls of Leicester and Chester, we have no very satisfactory information. It would appear, however, that both were set at liberty about the same time as the other prisoners, though all their vast domains remained for some time in the hands of the King. There is much obscurity as to Henry's conduct towards these two noblemen during some years; for it would appear from a cause which was tried in the King's court, that the Earl of Leicester was still considered the lord of his former territories, though he did not possess them; and it is therefore

certain that Henry had not proceeded to absolute forfeiture for rebellion according to law. At the same time, however, we find that the town and forest of Leicester had been adjudged absolutely to the crown, at the time when Henry thought fit to restore the Earl's possessions. This act of clemency took place in 1177; but it was not brought about without the most profound humiliation and penitence on the part of the Earl. He declared, in a cause tried between him and another baron, who had previously held lands as his vassal, and who now sought to transfer his homage to Henry, that although he had in his possession charters which clearly established his title to the estates in question, he would urge no plea against the will of his sovereign, but yielded all his rights to his sovereign's mercy. Those words, and probably still more substantial proofs of his repentance and submission, induced the King of England to pardon his offences, and to restore him to the whole of his possessions, with the exception of one feof in England, which was found to have belonged to the royal domain; and one in Normandy, which the King judged right, from its dangerous capabilities, to retain in the possession of the crown. The same course of lenity was pursued towards the Earl of Chester; and thus Henry's conduct at the conclusion of the war displayed mercy and forbearance to the end.

Little remained to be done, in order to termi

nate the various transactions arising out of the unhappy insurrection of the monarch's children; and Henry hastened in person to superintend the demolition of the rebel fortresses in Anjou. To Geoffrey he entrusted the same care in Britanny; and, confiding fully in the frank and open character of Richard, he dispatched him into Poitou, to rase the castles which had been erected to support his own cause.

Henry thus made a marked difference between his two younger and his eldest son; and it would seem, indeed, that Prince Henry had given his father some fresh cause of offence, though on what occasion does not absolutely appear. The King of France took upon him once more to interfere between the parent and the son, and, it is said, strongly recommended the younger Henry not to return with his father into England, endeavouring to fill his mind with apprehensions. A conference which was held at Gisors, and at which the Prince, as well as his father and the King of France, was present, does not appear to have at all diminished the feelings of jealousy that existed on all parts; and we find that when at length, early in the year 1175, Henry II. prepared to set sail for England, and summoned his eldest son to join him at Caen, for the purpose of accompanying him, the young King at first refused, giving him to understand that he was taught to doubt his sincerity in the reconciliation which had taken place. Henry,

however, sent to inform him that such suspicions were unfounded; and the young King in consequence returned to his father's court, accompanied by the Archbishop of Rouen and some other prelates, and casting himself at the monarch's feet, with many sobs and tears besought his forgiveness and mercy. He assured Henry however, at the same time, that he could never believe his father was really reconciled to him, unless he were suffered to do homage and swear allegiance, as had been the case with his brothers; and he entreated the King, consequently, to permit him to perform that act, which more than any other bound two persons to one another in the feudal ages. Henry was much affected, we are told, by the humiliation and penitence of his son, and assenting to his request, received his homage; after which the younger Henry swore voluntarily, upon the relics of saints, to serve his father faithfully in all things, to act by his advice alone, never to do any injury whatsoever to those who had adhered to their sovereign in the late war, but, on the contrary, rather to promote and honor them as faithful servants both to father and son, and to order his whole household and establishment according to his parent's pleasure. As pledges for the fulfilment of this promise, the young Prince presented the Archbishop of Rouen, three bishops, the Earl of Essex, and a number of other barons; and he promised confidently that the King of France, the