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him support. It is evident that Henry had cause to be doubtful of the young King's sincerity in regard to the proposed pilgrimage to St. James of Compostella; but if that prince really sought to journey thither, Aquitaine was directly in his way ; and, at the same time, the company of Richard, who was bitterly exasperated against the insurgents, might, there was reason to believe, act as a check in preventing the younger Henry from being seduced once more into open rebellion by the persuasions of the rebels. The King accordingly not only called the elder prince to consult with himself, Richard, and Geoffrey, in regard to the subjugation of the revolted nobles, but he directed him to join with Richard in his military operations against them. It is true, that in so doing he gave to his second son an unwilling and tardy coadjutor; but to remedy this evil, he furnished Richard himself with a considerable sum of money, in order to levy fresh troops for the defence of the provinces committed to his custody.

A considerable force also was put under the command of the younger Henry; and after spending the festival of Easter with their father, the three princes passed over into Normandy, and there separated; the eldest hastening to Paris to waste his time in sports and amusements, while Richard hurried at once into Poitou, to make head against the enemy without delay. During his absence, it would seem, his Lieutenant, Theo

bald Shabot, and John Bishop of Poitiers, had collected a considerable force, in order to oppose the bands of Brabançois, which had been called to support the Count of Angouleme in his rebellion; and Richard was very speedily in a situation to encounter the enemy in the field. Though his numbers, we are assured, did not amount to more than onefourth of those which the enemy could bring against him, he marched at once to meet the mercenaries, and encountered them in the neighbourhood of Barbezieux, where a battle immediately took place. The result was a complete victory on the part of Richard, the Brabançois being routed with great slaughter, and the way being left open for the offended prince to march on at once to attack the towns and castles belonging to the rebel lords. The fame he acquired by this exploit was very great; for the hireling bands he had vanquished were not

* Diceto does not mention that Richard was present at the battle with the Brabançois, but Hoveden and others of good authority distinctly state that he was so. In comparing the account of Diceto with that of other authors, I was for some time inclined to think that two battles had taken place, one before and one after the return of Richard, in the first of which Theobald Shabot and the Bishop of Poitiers commanded; but I am at length satisfied that but one battle was fought, which was that in the neighbourhood of Barbezieux, where Richard is proved to have been present in person. I have therefore adopted the account of Diceto in regard to the levying of troops by Shabot during Richard's absence, while I have relied upon the other authorities in regard to the battle itself.

only the pest of the country round, but had rendered themselves formidable by their skill and daring courage, which had in almost all previous instances obtained for them complete success.

Whatever might be the auguries which the Count of Angouleme drew from these events, the defeat and dispersion of his mercenary forces did not so far depress him as to render him willing to abandon the struggle which he had commenced. His own fortresses and those of his allies were strong and well garrisoned, and he prepared to offer a vigorous resistance at every point. No preparation was found available, however, against the fiery courage and military genius of the English prince. Without a moment's delay, Richard proceeded to carry the war into the territories of the Viscount of Limoges, not the least considerable of the insurgent barons; and, laying siege to a fortress called Aessa, he speedily forced it to surrender, although it was defended by a numerous body of soldiers, amongst whom were forty knights. No sooner was this conquest achieved, than the Prince marched against the great and important city of Limoges itself, which likewise proved unable to resist, and was taken as rapidly as the lesser fortress.

While Richard was thus marching from victory to victory, his brother Henry, after wasting much time in Paris, was advancing with slow and unwilling steps, to give him aid in Poitou. The news of his coming was undoubtedly agreeable to

Richard, whose mind was now wholly bent upon the reduction of his barons to obedience; and it would seem that he had forgotten any jealousy which he had formerly felt towards the heir-apparent of the throne, and hailed his approach with joy. From Limoges the victorious prince accordingly turned back to Poitiers, in order to join his forces to those led by his brother; but the only result of their united efforts was the fall of a town called Neufchatel, which could not be of any very great importance, as the site of it is now unknown.*

The season of the year was still favourable for military operations; but either Henry was unwilling to see Richard regain peaceable possession of their mother's territories, or some new dispute arose between them; for, contenting himself with the reduction of one unimportant place, the elder prince refused to proceed any farther; and, leaving his brother to pursue the war alone, in consequence of evil counsel, as the historian justly calls it, he retired into Normandy, taking his way back through Poitiers. A good deal of mystery hangs over the whole of this transaction; but there is some reason to believe that the quarrel between Richard and Henry, if such a quarrel really did take place at this time, originated in a communication made to one or both by the King their father; for we find that the elder prince, while leading back his forces towards

*It is probable that this place was Lussac les Chateaux, but the fact is by no means certain.

Normandy, caused his vice-chancellor, a respectable priest, named Adam de Chirkedun, to be seized in Poitiers and publicly scourged through the streets of that city, on the charge of having betrayed his secrets to the King, Henry the Second. It seems to be certain indeed that Adam de Chirkedun, who had been placed in the household of the younger Henry by his father, did write a letter informing the monarch that his eldest son had entered into close communication, if not with the actual rebels in Poitou, with many nobles whose faith was more than doubtful, that he was continually surrounded by persons inimical to his brother, and gave ear with dangerous facility to their persuasions and advice. One of his letters to this effect was intercepted and laid before the Prince whom he accompanied; and it was in vain that the unfortunate priest pleaded either his sacred character, his allegiance to his sovereign, or the duty which rendered it imperative upon all subjects to reveal any treason that they discovered. The young King was inexorable; and not only did he inflict with barbarous severity the punishment I have mentioned, but he caused it to be repeated in every city through which he passed on his way back to Normandy, where no other refuge was afforded to the unhappy victim than the walls of a prison.

There can be very little doubt that these events were connected with the separation which took place between the two brothers; and it is probable

VOL. II.

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