to agree regarding them themselves, shall refer the decision of their difference to twelve persons, three bishops and three noblemen being appointed on each side.

Several other clauses ensue, providing against the death or neglect of any of the arbitrators named, and pointing out what is to be done in the case of one of the monarchs. proceeding on the crusade before the other, or of either of them dying in the course of the expedition. Other stipulations succeed, by which the territories of each sovereign are ensured against any hostile attempt on the part of the subjects of the other, during their absence from their several kingdoms, the regents and the governors on the part of France being bound to make oath, that in case of the dominions of Henry being attacked, they will defend them with all their power as zealously as they would defend Paris, were it besieged by an enemy; while on the part of the King of England it is agreed, that his lieutenants shall swear to defend the territories of the King of France, in case of attack, as zealously as they would fight to preserve Rouen, should it be assailed. The last clause of the whole provides for free mercantile intercourse between the two nations, and for the safety of merchants and travellers, whether of the clergy or the laity.

No time is fixed for the departure of the crusaders, but the treaty refers to some other convention which probably marked the period when they

were to set out; but the day was evidently remote, as the solemn taking of the cross was to intervene. This previous convention has not come down to us, for I cannot consider the brief treaty which is preserved by Diceto, and which is merely a transcript of the first part of the one given by Hoveden, Brompton, and Rymer, as the document mentioned therein; though it is valuable as giving us the date, 25th Sept., and the place where the document was signed, which was Nonancourt. It is as well to remark, however, that this convention which has been lost referred solely to the crusade, and could not by any chance contain a clause affecting the question of Richard's marriage, as the very earliest authority that gives the treaty declares at the same time that Henry positively refused to concede that point to Louis.

The King of France rested satisfied then that his daughter should remain in the hands of Henry for an indefinite period. One of the princess's maternal uncles, if not more, was present at the conferences of Ivry, and those nobles were the chief advisers of the French king, so that no doubt whatsoever can be entertained, that, Alice being probably not yet of a marriageable age, her relations were satisfied with the delay, and in no degree suspected that the English monarch was actuated by evil motives.

Amongst other matters which are referred to in the treaty, as having been subjects of dispute between the kings of France and England, is the fief

of Chateauroux, the sovereignty of which could not remain longer undecided without great inconvenience, as the lord of that territory, Raoul de Dol, was lately dead, leaving but one daughter, his heiress, of the age of three years. It would appear that although Chateauroux was undoubtedly an ancient fief of Aquitaine, yet the dissensions between Louis and Henry had emboldened the lord of La Châtre, who was a relation of the heiress, to resist the rights of the King of England; and, on the younger Henry besieging Chateauroux, in the beginning of the year 1177, he had carried the child off to his own abode, leaving that town to surrender to the English prince. The younger Henry had taken possession of Chateauroux, but had proceeded no farther against the lord of La Châtre; and, having, as before stated, joined his father and accompanied him to Rouen, he shared in the conferences of Ivry; but when they were over he was immediately sent into Berri to recover the ward who had been thus abstracted from the guardianship of the crown.

Henry II. remained for a short time at Verneuil, enacting some useful laws in regard to debtors and creditors; but then, finding that his eldest son made little progress against La Châtre, the monarch put himself at the head of his forces, marched into Berri, and was advancing with his usual rapidity upon La Châtre, when the lord of that place met him on his march and delivered up the daughter of

VOL. II.

R

Raoul de Dol into his hands.

This submission satisfied the King of England; and turning towards the south, he prepared to visit the scene of Richard's triumph over the insurgents of Poitou, and to inflict upon them, though not with any very severe hand, that punishment which had been suspended but not forgotten. Marching on then into the Limousin, Henry proceeded to sentence several noblemen in that district to various fines, on account of the resistance they had shown to Richard.*

It will be remarked, in all the judicial proceedings of the English king, that he very wisely preferred pecuniary amercements to any other sort of punishments, and in his political transactions that he preferred negociation and the power of gifts, to violence and the force of arms, so that the annalist

* Lord Lyttleton, relying too much on the Abbot of Peterborough, seems to have found a difficulty in accounting for the punishments which Henry now inflicted. The Abbot says that these fines were levied on account of the aid which the Barons of Limousin had given to the sons of the English king in their rebellion. But the only connection between the act of justice now performed and that rebellion-for the offences actually committed in which, a promise of immunity had been given—was that the resistance which the lords of Angoumois and the Limousin had shown to Richard, was in consequence of the King's order for destroying the castles and fortifications which had been raised to support his sons in their rebellion. This order was beyond all doubt the first cause of revolt against Richard, who, as we have shewn, was opposed in arms as soon as he proceeded to execute it; and it was for this second revolt, and not for the first, that Henry proceeded to punish several of the nobles of the Limousin.

of Burton might well say of him "he was a prudent man, and defended the Duchy of Normandy both against the king Louis, father of Philip, and against Philip, afterwards king, more by money than by arms."*

From the Limousin Henry returned to Angers, where he spent Christmas-day; and then, feeling some anxiety in regard to his dominions in England and Ireland, he prepared once more to cross the sea. Before he did so, however, he sent to demand from the King of France what we may justly call letters of protection for his continental territories during his absence. This was immediately granted by Louis; and the act is so curious that I shall translate it here.-"Louis, king of the French, to all men to whom these present letters shall come, health! Be it known to you generally, that we receive into our custody all those lands of our most dear brother, Henry, king of England, which are situated on this side of the sea, if it should happen that he goes into England, or proceeds upon a pilgrimage; so that, if the bailiffs of his cismarine territories should require us, we will with good faith and without evil intent lend them counsel and aid for the defence and protection of the said territories." Previous to this act, however, and apparently

*"Fuit autem prudens, et ducatem Normanniæ magis pecuniâ suâ quam armis defendebat contra regem Ludovicum, patrem Philippi, et contra Philippum postea regem."-Annales Burton, ad ann. 1189.