empire floating over the walls of the place. We are told by William of Tyre, that though this pitiful act called forth the scorn of the crusading princes, they did not oppose it, as their views led them forward to other conquests, and they had stipulated to restore to Alexius such towns as had formerly belonged to the empire.

The use, however, which the perfidious Greek made of the stratagem that had been practised, did excite, to a very high pitch, the anger of Godfrey and his companions; for it had been distinctly agreed that everything taken by the forces of the cross, except the mere towns and territories, should become the property of the crusaders, as some indemnification for their immense expenses and labours. But Alexius seized upon everything in Nicea, and though he sent magnificent presents to the Latin camp, what he gave was utterly disproportioned to that which he obtained; nor would

* In regard to all these events, it will be seen that this account is different from that of Mills. He quotes William of Tyre as one of his chief authorities in regard to the particulars of the fall of Nicea; but we look in vain in that author for a confirmation of his statements. The wall of the tower is never said to have been repaired by a new series of fortifications after it had been thrown down by the Lombard; and so far from the the prelate stating that the Greek envoy offered to give up the wife of Soliman on condition of the place surrendering to the emperor, William of Tyre declares that she was taken by the Latin princes, and that they only sent her as a prisoner to Alexius after the fall of Nicea was completely effected.

he permit the military pilgrims to enter the city except by ten at a time. Although, as the Bishop of Tyre declares, it would have been easy for the great leaders of the crusade to redress their own wrongs, and expel the Greeks from Nicea, yet, with wise and prudent moderation, the Christian princes submitted to the loss, inflicted on them, and persuaded the common soldiery to remain passive also.*

Never was a more remarkable instance given of

*The view which has been taken of this act of Alexius by the writer, on whose account I have had occasion more than once to animadvert, is founded entirely on false grounds. He says, "Humanity rejoices that his selfishness (that of Alexius) preserved the city from becoming a scene of blood and rapine." Now the stipulations between Alexius and the crusaders, which the selfishness of the former now violated, did not at all imply, according to William of Tyre, whom Mills cites, that the towns were to be given up to the fury of the crusading soldiery; but merely, that the legitimate booty which belonged to a successful army was to be theirs, and not the Greeks'. What that legitimate booty was in those days, was then very clearly defined. The terms of a capitulation, also, always stated distinctly what portion of the wealth of a captured place was given up to the victor; and as we find from every account that the Niceans had announced their intention to surrender, and were negociating with Godfrey when the envoys of Alexius stepped in and obtained the town for their master, we cannot doubt that such a convention would have been entered into, as would have saved Nicea from the horrors of an assault. Indeed we find that the only stipulation made by the inhabitants was that their lives should be spared, and thus the wealth of the city became, in fact, the property of Alexius, by a gross and unpalliated fraud.

the effect of discipline and subordination; for every account shows us, that the lower orders of the crusaders felt in a poignant degree the base and treacherous conduct of the Greeks. But, indeed, the Christian camp, since the commencement of the siege of Nicea, had presented a picture of order, virtue, morality, and piety, such as has been rarely if ever exhibited by any large body of men since the world began. We are not permitted to doubt, from the concurrent testimony of all contemporary writers, that during the whole of that siege instances of vice or crime were utterly unknown. Perfect simplicity and purity of manners existed, and every supply that was brought into the camp was considered as the common property of all. The inferior duties and labors of the soldiery were shared by the leaders, and everything showed that the first grand impression of the vast and solemn enterprise which all had undertaken, had as yet worn away from the minds of none.

This state, strange to say, continued during success, and gave way before want, pestilence, and reverses. But even previous to the siege of Nicea, the germ of many misfortunes had been sown in the Christian camp. Doubt, dissatisfaction, jealousy one of another, had risen up under the fostering care of Alexius; and enthusiasm, that great spring of human action, which lifts us, as with wings, above thousands of difficulties, and seems to change the very circumstances in which we are

placed, was well nigh broken under the weight of petty intrigues, schemes of personal aggrandisement, long and irritating discussions, narrow views, and base motives. Alexius however contrived to add more of such ingredients before he suffered the crusading host to march on towards Jerusalem. The Emperor had excused himself under various vain and frivolous pretences from taking an active part in the great business of the crusade and leading the armies of christian Europe to war against the Asiatic infidels. He had, nevertheless, crossed the Bosphorus; and, for the purpose of watching the progress of the great leaders, and taking advantage of their success for his own selfish ends, had advanced as far as Pelicanum. To that place he now invited the crusading princes, under the pretence of holding a conference with them in regard to the prosecution of the war; but as soon as they appeared, the subject of homage and fealty was renewed, and those who had not taken the oath were now urged eagerly to do so. Tancred, it would seem, remained inflexible, and replied to the proposal in terms so haughty as to call forth an insulting answer from one of the attendants of Alexius. The prince of Otranto, however, was not of a character to bear injurious words unmoved, and we find that he would have slain the offender in the imperial presence, had he not been prevented by the bystanders. He then openly defied the Em

peror, and quitting the court returned as fast as possible to the crusading camp.

On the third day of July, 1097, the vast forces of the crusaders again marched forward, having. during the siege of Nicea, suffered some loss, but having also received various accessions from the junction of a large body of Pisans and other Italians, from the arrival of Peter the Hermit with the remains of his scattered bands, and from the liberation of a great number of prisoners who had been previously taken by Soliman in his combat with Walter the Pennyless. This movement was made just nine days after the fall of Nicea; but ere that period had arrived, Soliman had once more collected a large army, and hovered round the forces of the cross, watching their movements as they proceeded. It has even been supposed that Alexius himself kept up a communication with the Turks, and sent back the wife and children of Soliman, to create a bond between himself and his former enemies, with a view of directing their attacks against the too powerful allies, of whose presence in the east he was so jealous. Certain it is, that had his forces

* "Solimani uxor cum duobus filiis de quibus prædiximus, et captivorum ingenti multitudine Constantinopolim translata est: ubi ab imperatore non solum clementer, verum et liberaliter nimis tractati, infra paucos dies libertati pristinæ sunt restituti. autem eâ fecisse dicitur intentione, ut et Turcorum sibi reconciliaret gratiam, et in nostram propensiores suis beneficiis excitaret injuriam." So says the Bishop of Tyre.