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FEBRUARY, 1847.]

So the bill was postponed.

Three Million Loan.

Mr. BERRIEN then gave notice of his intention to offer an amendment, which was read as follows, and ordered to be printed:

[29TH CONG.

He hoped that during every session of Congress | Government, we have placed at his disposal every one would have the opportunity at some twenty-eight millions of money; and now it period of the session to express his views on is asked that we shall make an appropriation the general questions before the country. So of three millions of dollars for the purpose far as he had observed, the gentlemen on the specified in this bill, to be applied under the other side of the chamber had shown no dis- sole discretion and control of the President; position to prolong the debate unnecessarily. and we are asked, with an apparent confidence He thought there had been rather more con- that the request will be complied with, to let sumption of time on his own side. He thought this bill pass without debate or discussion, rethe request now made a reasonable one. Sen- serving for some other occasion the examination ators desired to be heard without intending of those interesting questions which present to consume time unnecessarily, and what even themselves to the mind of every Senator at the time a reasonable discussion might take no one moment when this proposition is made. For could tell. But surely three, four, five, or even myself, I certainly cannot consent; the feelings, six days, could not be considered unreasonable the wishes, the just expectations of the Amerion a great question like this. He should vote can people, combine to forbid it. They desire for the postponement. to know they have a right to know, as far as we are informed-what is their condition in relation to this foreign power with which we are at war. They have a right to know, as far as we have the means of informing them, what expectation they may entertain of a termination of the conflict in which they have been so unexpectedly involved. Sir, in May last, without any premonition, without any expectation on the part of the American people of such a result, you were suddenly roused by the intelligence that hostilities had commenced between the American and the Mexican armies. These hostilities had been brought about by military movements made in consequence of orders emanating from the commander-in-chief of the American army. In the first moment of excitement, produced by the intelligence that hostilities had been commenced, Congress recognized the existence of the war, and made provision for its vigorous prosecution. Every demand that was made by the President, with a solitary exception, has been acquiesced in. He has been furnished with the means which he has deemed necessary for the prosecution of this war, and our gallant army has nobly sustained the honor of the American name. Wherever our standard has been unfurledwherever the stars and the stripes which emblazon it have been given to the breeze-the honor of the American name has been vindi

"Provided, always, And it is hereby declared to be the true intent and meaning of Congress in making this appropriation, that the war with Mexico ought not to be prosecuted by this Government with any view to the dismemberment of that republic, or to the acquisition by conquest of any portion of her territory; that this Government ever desires to maintain and preserve peaceful and friendly relations with all nations, and particularly with the neighboring republic of Mexico, will always be ready to enter into negotiations, with a view to terminate the present unhappy conflict on terms which shall secure the just rights and preserve inviolate the national honor of the United States and of Mexico; that it is especially desirable, in order to maintain and preserve those amicable relations which ought always to exist between neighboring republics, that the boundary of the State of Texas should be definitively settled, and that provision be made by the republic of Mexico for the prompt and equitable settlement of the just claims of our citizens on that republic."

FRIDAY, February 5.

Three Million Bill.

Mr. SEVIER moved to proceed to the consid-cated. That army is now in the heart of Mexeration of the special order, being the bill making further appropriation to bring the war with Mexico to a speedy and honorable conclusion; which motion having been agreed to

Mr. BERRIEN said: I now turn to the consideration of this bill. Sir, the bill which is before you proposes an appropriation of $3,000,000, or rather not exceeding $3,000,000, for the purpose of defraying any extraordinary expenses which may be incurred in bringing the existing war with Mexico to a speedy and honorable conclusion. Now, sir, with a view of bringing this war to a speedy and honorable conclusion, we have already authorized the President of the United States to raise an army of upwards of seventy thousand men; and, in addition to the ordinary revenue of the

ico; it has, in the phraseology of the day, covered itself with glory as with a mantle. If the military fame of our army were a thing of which we were not before certain, they have won it for themselves. They have triumphed over superior numbers, and Mexico stands now beaten, stricken down by an army inferior in numbers, rebuked in the heart of her own territory. If it be this glory of which we are in search, we have won it. We are inthe heart of Mexico with forces which she shuns to meet.

But what have we done? How, by the advance of the army, have we advanced the interests of the country? How have we advanced that honor of the possession of which we were not certain, but for which the war was entered upon? Who, that witnesses the

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actual posture of our affairs, is able to tell how much nearer we are to the termination of this war than when we entered it? Sir, I believe that this war may be terminated. I believe that it may be terminated by a course consistent with the honor of the American nation. I believe that it may be terminated by a course which shall not only consist with our interests, but which shall place us in that elevated position which, as the first free nation of the world, we ought to occupy in the eyes of the civilized world. I have asked how much honor shall we have attained at the termination of this war by all the victories we have won? Who does not know that the effect of our military operations has been to unite and to animate, a distracted people; and that at this moment a determination for resistance on the part of Mexico is more fixed, more resolute, than at any former moment? On what was that determination founded? Whence did it originate? It was, in his opinion, the determination of despair. It was the result of that desperation to which the Mexican Government were reduced by their belief of the exorbitance of our demands. He would take from them this motive to resist; he would take it from them, not by a renewal of overtures of peace which they had disregarded, but he would take it from them by a declaration of the opinion and feelings of the American Congress as to the purpose for which this war was prosecuted, and as to the terms upon which it might be terminated. It was with a view to this object that he had suggested to the Senate the amendment of which he gave notice the other day.

The question on his motion might be stated now, or at the close of his remarks, which he proposed to submit, at the pleasure of the Chair. He would await its direction, either to pause or to proceed.

Mr. Cass said, if this was the proper moment, he would inform the honorable Senator from Georgia that he had an amendment to submit.

[FEBRUARY, 1847.

the wrongs she has committed towards the Government of the United States.

"And it is further declared, that the nature and extent of such indemnity are proper subjects, in the first instance, for executive consideration, when negotiations for peace may be opened between this country and Mexico, subject to the action of the Senate on the question of ratification."

Mr. BAGBY hoped both amendments would be read, that the Senate might have them before it.

The Secretary read Mr. BERRIEN's amendment, as follows:

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Provided, alwags, And it is hereby declared to be the true intent and meaning of Congress in making this appropriation, that the war with Mexico ought not to be prosecuted by this Government with any view to the dismemberment of that republic, or to the acquisition by conquest of any portion of her territory; that this Government ever desires to maintain and preserve peaceful and with the neighboring republic of Mexico, will alfriendly relations with all nations, and particularly ways be ready to enter into negotiations, with a view to terminate the present unhappy conflict on terms which shall secure the just rights and preserve inviolate the national honor of the United States and of Mexico; that it is especially desirable, in order to maintain and preserve those amicable relations which ought always to exist between neighboring republics, that the boundary of the State of Texas should be definitively settled, and that provision be made by the republic of Mexico for the prompt and equitable settlement of the just claims of our citizens on that republic."

Mr. BERRIEN said he wished to ask if the amendment of the Senator from Michigan was offered as a substitute.

Mr. CASS said he should offer it as a substitute at the proper time.

Mr. BERRIEN continued. The amendment which he had proposed and the substitute which the Senator from Michigan had notified them he should offer, opened the whole question. He desired to say at the outset, in order to avoid any misapprehension, that he was prepared to sustain the Government in the vigorous prosecution of this war, by voting all needful supplies of men and money to bring it to a successful result. In order to avoid any misapprehension of the remarks he was about to submit to the Senate to-day, and the course he designed to pursue, he was ready to sustain The Secretary then read the amendment of the Executive department in a vigorous proseMr. Cass, as follows:

Mr. BERRIEN remarked, that the Senator could have it read and printed.

The PRESIDING OFFICER inquired if the Senator from Georgia desired to have the amendment read.

Mr. BERRIEN. Certainly.

cution of this war, by voting all needful supplies of men and money-all such supplies as Strike out all after the word "provided," and insert: "And it is hereby declared to be the true if Mexico, madly regardless of her own interwere necessary to bring it to a successful result, intent and meaning of Congress, in making this ap-ests and the interests of humanity, should refuse propriation, that, as by the act of the republic of Mexico, a state of war exists between that Government and the United States, agreeably to the declaration made by this Congress on the 13th day of May last, therefore the interest and honor of this country require that the said war be vigorously prosecuted to a successful issue, and that a reasonable indemnity should be obtained from Mexico for

to terminate this controversy upon terms which may consist with her honor and the honor of the United States. This principle had regulated his personal conduct from the commencement of this war. He had voted all the supplies which had been required by the President of the United States, which had received the sanc

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But it was proposed to strengthen and reinforce that army, and to deliver it from the unequal conflict to which it might be subjected; and though that relief might not reach the army before its fate should be decided-so far as a single battle might decide it-he was willing to vote to strengthen and reinforce it at the earliest moment, had that proviso not been connected with the bill.

[29TH CONG.

tion of their committees, with the single excep- | tection of Texas, which would have been secured tion of the act of 13th May, 1846, upon which by the possession of Corpus Christi, but it was he did not vote. And he did not vote for that announced that its destination was the Rio bill because it required him to affirm what he Grande, which Mexico claimed to be beyond did not believe to be true. But it proposed to her boundary. In the order issued in July, provide for reinforcing and strengthening our 1845, this order was so far modified as this: army, then on the confines of Mexico, and ap- the preceding order of June had announced that parently in danger from what seemed to be an the ultimate destination of the army was the overwhelming superiority of numbers. He did Rio Grande without qualification; in the order not, indeed, share the apprehensions felt for the which followed, the commander of the Amerifate of that army, for he had an abiding confi- can army was told that Mexico had certain dence in the skill and gallantry of its leaders, posts east of the Rio Grande which she had the bravery and discipline of our soldiers, and occupied, and that in the advance of our army the patriotism of both. He cherished, more- to the Rio Grande, which was its ultimate desover, a grateful recollection of the story of San tination, these forces of the enemy were not to Jacinto, and he had formed his own estimate be interrupted. Now it seemed to him, with of the Mexican army under the guidance of its these documents before them, that the war in most distinguished chieftain. which we are now involved, is therefore a war resulting from the order which was given by the President of the United States to advance the American army to the Rio Grande from Corpus Christi, in pursuance of the destination which had been confidentially announced to the commander of the American army as early as the preceding June; that the advance of the army to the Rio Grande, the erection of a fort pointing her cannon upon the town of Matamoras, was an indication of hostile intent—no, not of hostility of intent, but an act of hostility, which was the real origin and the commencement of this war. He would put the question to every American Senator-he would put the question to the American people, whether they would not have considered such a movement on the part of Mexico, or any other nation on earth, as an act of hostility to us. If Great Britain, during the existence of the north-eastern boundary question, had advanced her military forces to the disputed territory, and erected forts and planted cannon there, and pointed them on the contiguous villages, should we have waited for her to apply the match to those cannon before we should have considered that Great Britain had committed against us an act of war? And if that would have been the universal feeling of the American people, shall we deny to Mexico, because she is our enemy, a participation in the common feelings of our nature?

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He entertained then as he entertained now, the belief, the conviction, that we had been unnecessarily involved in this war with MexiCo. He believed it had been brought about by military movements on our part, and that it had been forced upon the Mexican Government. He was convinced that the military order which was given by our military commander-in-chief, anterior to the march of our army from Corpus Christi to the Rio Grande, was the real source and practical origin of this war. Though he had since seen it stated in official documents, that it grew out of the indignities inflicted by Mexico upon our citizens, and her determination to invade with a view to regain dominion over Texas, he would call the attention of the Senate to the fact, that as early as the preceding month of June-the 15th day of June, 1845-by an order emanating from the War Department, addressed to General Taylor, and marked "confidential," but which was subsequently communicated to the Senate, it was distinctly announced that he was ordered This was the view he had entertained of the to take up his line of march from his encamp-origin of the war. But it exists. It has been ment, with the view of protecting Texas, not recognized by Congress. They had bound then one of the States of this Union; it was themselves by pledges given by the act of the then distinctly announced to him that his ultimate destination was the Rio Grande or its vicinity. And yet they were told that the order of January, 1846, was issued under the pressure of indignities offered by Mexico, in her refusal to receive our Minister, and in her menaces of hostilities. He would take from these allegations the foundation on which they rest. He would refer to an order which emanated from the War Department on the 9th of June, 1845, and reiterated, with a single modification, in July. By this he would show that this army was not merely designed for the pro

13th of May, 1846, vigorously to prosecute it to a successful result. He was willing to participate in the common lot; and so far as depended on him, to perform that portion of the duty which might devolve on him in the redemption of that pledge. He was willing, therefore, he repeated, to vote the men and money which might be necessary for the prosecution of this war, or the termination of it by negotiation in an honorable peace, by such means as Senators might devise.

Mr. SEVIER. I hope the Senator, when he comments on my speech, will read the words

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I used as reported in the papers. I said this money was wanted for the purpose of making peace: not as secret-service money, as the Senator throughout his remarks seemed to suppose, but as money for which a return was to be made by the President publicly, openly, before the world. I said I conceived that the honor and the interest of the country required on the part of Mexico two things: indemnity in part for the expenses of the war, in the first place, and in the next, the payment of the claims of our citizens; and to effect this object, that a cession of a part of her territory would be necessary, for it was not to be supposed that she had got the money to pay us with; and I said that I supposed no Senator would be willing to take less for this purpose than New Mexico and Upper California. These were my remarks, in substance, and I hope the Senator will take them as I made them.

Mr. BERRIEN said it seemed to him, without entering into any discussion upon this pointfor he was always ready to receive from the honorable Senator his own view of what he said that, if he had been under a misapprehension, there was some cause for such misapprehension. But to proceed: This was a new principle in the diplomacy of this country, to negotiate with a foreign power, giving to her in advance a certain sum of money to be applied to her exigencies, and to pay her army and other expenses, for the purpose of disposing her to make peace; for the purpose of payments to her army. There, he apprehended, was the real key to this operation. The President of the United States probably felt-the Senator from Arkansas felt probably, what they all felt, that any act of the Mexican rulers, not sustained by the army, would be inevitably unreliable; and it was therefore to propitiate the army in favor of any negotiation into which they might enter, that this money was to be applied. He did not know whether it could properly be called secret-service money; he did not know that it could be properly said to be money given to the Mexican rulers to dispose them to make peace; but this he did know, that the history of this country, so far as he was acquainted, afforded no instance whatever of any case in which money had been appropriated by this Government for such a purpose. In their negotiations with Indian tribes, certainly, they sometimes provided for their sustenance, and, indulging the ancient habits of that people, they sometimes made presents to their chiefs. But he did not know that they had transferred, or were about to transfer, in their dealings with foreign countries, the observances which had been followed in relation to the Indian tribes. Were they disposed to deal with Mexico as with the savage tribes? Were they disposed, in looking to the necessitous condition of Mexico, considering her Government unstable, and insufficient to preserve the stipulations of any treaty, were they disposed to conciliate opposing parties by

[FEBRUARY, 1847.

the payment of money? He apprehended not. He apprehended that the operations of the distinguished chief who was now at the head of the Mexican army might possibly be influenced in a different direction from what was contemplated by this enactment. It might be, if they were permitted to rely, as they were to a certain extent, upon the communications which had been made to the President-it might be that Santa Anna was really disposed to peace; it might be the understanding that the unstable condition of their country rendered it necessary that the army should be propitiated, in order to give permanency to any treaty; it might be that Santa Anna found it necessary to be possessed of a certain fund to enable him to conciliate the army. If this were so, why, then, they had the key to the inactivity of that military chieftain who was now at the head of the Mexican forces-forces vastly superior in numbers to any which we had the power to bring against them. This might be the key to the means by which he has been so mysteriously enabled to pass our blockade. He understood it, now to be conceded that the money to be appropriated was to be given to the Mexicans for the purpose of being applied by them to the payment of their army and other expenses, and he presumed that, when the money was paid to the Mexicans, we should at least have lost the security which possession gave us until the conditions for which this money was appropriated were fulfilled.

He desired to remove any impressions which he feared might have resulted from the remarks of the honorable chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations at the opening of this discussion, that Senators were committed by the vote they had given upon this subject as submitted to them by the President in his Message of the 4th August, 1846. The Senator had, however, corrected a misapprehension under which he was then laboring, that the almost unanimous vote of the Senate was given on the resolution which he had first stated. He feared it was not distinctly understood by the Senator what was the real action of the Senate on that subject.

The President, by his Message, required two millions of dollars, in order to put it in his power to advance a portion of the consideration in money for the cession of any territory which might be made. The President said:

"Under these circumstances, and considering the exhausted and distracted condition of the order to restore peace, that I should have it in my Mexican republic, it might become necessary, in power to advance a portion of the consideration made. The Mexican Government might not be money for any cession of territory which may be willing to wait for the payment of the whole until the treaty could be ratified by the Senate, and an appropriation to carry it into effect be made by Congress; and the necessity for such a delay might defeat the object altogether. I would therefore suggest, whether it would not be wise for Congress

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to appropriate a sum such as they might consider adequate for this purpose, to be paid, if necessary, immediately upon the ratification of the treaty by Mexico. This disbursement would of course be

accounted for at the treasury, not as secret-service money, but like other expenditures."

Now, on this Message of the President, the Committee on Foreign Relations made the following report to the Senate:

"Resolved, That the course adopted and proposed by the President, as indicated in his message of the 4th instant, for the speedy termination of the war with Mexico, receives the approbation of the Senate.

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Resolved, That in the opinion of the Senate, it is expedient to place two millions of dollars at the disposal of the President, to be used at his discretion in the event of a treaty of peace with Mexico, satisfactorily adjusting the boundaries of the two countries; and that the Committee on Foreign Relations be instructed to report to the Senate, in open session, a bill for that purpose, in conformity to the provision of similar acts passed in 1803 and 1806."

These resolutions were so little acceptable to the Senate, that the then chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations modified the second resolution in this way:

"Resolved, That in the opinion of the Senate, it is expedient to place a sum of money at the disposal of the President, to be used at his discretion in the event of a treaty of peace with Mexico, satisfactorily adjusting the boundaries of the two

countries."

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"That the Senate heartily unite with the President in his expressed desire for a speedy and honorable peace with Mexico, but, as at present informed, they have no further advice to give in the premises."

Still these resolutions were unacceptable to the Senate, and they were recommitted, and the next report was in these words:

"1st. Resolved, That the Senate entertain a strong desire that the existing war with Mexico should be terminated by a treaty of peace, just and honorable to both nations, and that the President be advised to adopt all proper measures for the attainment of that object."

Here was a resolution on which he presumed the Senate was unanimous. The second resolution was in these words:

"2d. Resolved further, That the Senate deem it advisable that Congress should appropriate a sum of money to enable the President to conclude a treaty of peace, limits, and boundaries, with the republic of Mexico, and to be used by him in the event that such treaty should call for the expenditure of the money so appropriated, or any part thereof."

[29TH CONG.

Now, the vote of the Senate-not that to which the Senator from Arkansas referredbut the vote of thirty to eighteen, was the vote on the second resolution, in which, by that majority, the Senate directed that a sum of money should be placed at the disposal of the President to conclude a treaty of peace, limits, and boundaries, with the republic of Mexiconot to be used by him for the purpose of consuch treaty should call for the expenditure of cluding that treaty, but to be used by him if the money so appropriated, or any part there

of.

He had referred to these proceedings of the last session for the purpose of showing that no Senator was committed by those proceedings to vote for the bill now under consideraion. The Senate then adjourned.

SATURDAY, February 6.

Three Million Bill.

On motion of Mr. SEVIER, the special order was taken up, and the Senate resumed the consideration, as in Committee of the Whole, of the bill making further appropriation to bring the existing war with Mexico to a speedy and honorable conclusion.

amendment submitted by the Senator from The question being upon the following Michigan (Mr. CASS) to the amendment of the Senator from Georgia, (Mr. BERRIEN,) and intended as a substitute therefor:

Strike out all after the word "provided," and insert: "And it is hereby declared to be the true intent and meaning of Congress, in making this appropriation, that, as by the act of the republic of Mexico, a state of war exists between that Government and the United States, agreeably to the declaration made by this Congress, on the 13th day of May last, therefore the interest and honor of this country require that the said war be vigorously prosecuted to a successful issue, and that a reasonable indemnity should be obtained from Mexico for the wrongs she has committed towards the Government and the citizens of the United States.

"And it is further declared that the nature and extent of such indemnity are proper subjects, in the first instance, for executive consideration, when negotiations for peace may be opened between this country and Mexico, subject to the action of the Senate on the question of ratification."

Mr. REVERDY JOHNSON then rose, and addressed the Senate to the following effect:

Mr. President: The question pending before the Senate is on the amendment proposed by the Senator from Michigan as a substitute for the amendment offered by the Senator from Georgia to the bill as reported from the Committee on Foreign Relations. The single question, therefore, and properly the only one before the Senate, is as to the propriety of this amendment. But in what I am about to say, it being, perhaps, the only occasion which I may have to trouble the Senate on this subject,

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