I propose to myself a wider latitude, and to | [FEBRUARY, 1847. I do not yet despair that this will be done, although the prospect is exceedingly discouraging. We yet have strong reason for hope. The American people have a right to expect it; the well-earned reputation of the honorable Senator, at home and abroad, invokes it; public feeling will not, should not, be satisfied without it. His high character, his long experience, his mature judgment, his nice sense of honor, public and private, cannot fail to make the world solicitous to learn the grounds on which he places his amendment. And I trust, although a night's reflection has not been able to bring my friend from Michigan on the floor today, that we shall find him in his proper place there on Monday next. What is the proposition? In order to understand it, it is necessary to see what the bill is which it is proposed thus to amend. During the last session of Congress, the President of the United States, first in secret and then in open session, asked for an appropriation for the purpose of negotiating a peace with Mexico. A bill was accordingly passed by the House, appropriating two millions, but was defeated in the Senate by the termination of the session pending its discussion. In his annual Message at the commencement of this session, he reiterates the request. The chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations has reported a bill from that committee, appropriating not two, but a sum not exceeding three millions, for the purpose of enabling the President to bring the war with Mexico to a speedy and honorable termination: and he has accompanied this with a speech, to which, by and by, I shall pay my respects. What is this bill? [Mr. J. here read the bill.] To this bill the Senator from Georgia (Mr. BERRIEN) proposes to append a proviso concerning which it is not my purpose, in this connection, to say any thing. Then comes the amendment, by way of substitute to that amendment, of the Senator from Michigan, (Mr. Cass,) in which he assumes to give the grounds on which this appropriation is to be made. As one of the reasons, reference is made to the causes which have produced the war. Another consists in a statement of the terms on which the war is to be brought to a conclusion, as regards the matter of the indemnity which the United States demand, and without which, I presume, the war is to be interminable. And the third is, that, in order to begin to conclude this war, the President must first act. In relation to the first of these grounds, I will ask my friend from Michigan to state, at his own good pleasure hereafter, why he deemed it necessary, in a bill appropriating three millions to terminate a war in which we are engaged, to go into any reference to the cause and character of the war? Has he any misgivings in his own breast? Is he apprehensive that his own opinion on the subject will not coincide with the opinions of the people of the FEBRUARY, 1847.] Three Million Loan. [29TH CONG. United Sates, and that the world at large has | without going out of its way to do it, to use come to a different conclusion as to the charac- every effort to bring it to an honorable termiter of the contest? nation. But that was not the object of the amendment. It was regarded as necessary to a just and honorable termination of the war, that full indemnity should be obtained from Mexico for the expenditures of the Government, and all the wrongs which had been inflicted on American citizens. What was the indemnity which was looked for? What is the character of the indemnity which is desired? He would quote the language of the President of the United States, in order that the Senate might be reminded of his views on the subject. Mr. J. went on to remark on the language of the preamble to the law of May 13, 1846, in which it was declared that the war was brought on by the unauthorized act of Mexico, a proposition to which many Senators objected, but which they were induced to sanction by the spirit of patriotism which prompted them to vindicate the honor of the United States, and to preserve her arms from tarnish. He was not one of those who differed from the President and his friends as to the fact stated in the preamble. He had then given his reasons, and it was not now necessary to reiterate them. A proposition was made at that time to strike out the preamble, but it was voted down, and this he thought ought to have satisfied the Senator from Michigan. But it did not. So far from being satisfactory, on every occasion since, when it could be done, whenever opportunity offered, the same idea has been reasserted, although not with equal success. Even on the resolution of thanks to the commanding general and his gallant army, but a day or two since, this declaration was introduced. The Senator from Michigan had voted to retain it in the resolution, but the effort had failed. And now he insists on retaining the same proposition and incorporating it in this bill. Once again the declaration is to be revived, to which a great portion of the Senate has refused to agree, to drive (although he acquitted the Senator from Michigan of any such purpose) the Senate to sanction by their vote the proposition that the war is a just and necessary war on our part, brought on us by the act of Mexico. He (Mr. J.) could readily understand why such a principle should be adopted in any bill which was germain to the matter; but he could see no propriety in its incorporation in a bill, the sole purpose of which was stated to be the obtaining of a speedy and honorable peace. It was entirely inconsistent with the character and object of that bill. It had nothing to do with the measure with which it was now attempted to be incorporated. The country, however, had before it the language of the preamble of the act of 13th May, and would exercise a correct and independent opinion regarding it. [Here Mr. J. read the preamble.] It would be seen that this preamble declares the war to be just on our part, brought about solely by the act of Mexico. The amendment now offered contained a peculiar declaration. Congress, on the 13th May, declared that the war was brought on us by the act of Mexico. We now are called on, in a bill to terminate the war speedily and honorably, to insert a declaration that the interests and honor of the country require that it shall be vigorously prosecuted. It was not necessary to call up the dead to tell us that. A nation involved in war is placed in a position in which it is compelled, [Here Mr. J. read an extract from the President's Message.] Now, (said Mr. J.,) I am sure my friend from Michigan is not prepared to say that the President claims any thing unreasonable in this part of his Message. If the Senator intends it to be understood that the war is not to be brought to a termination until Mexico shall have given indemnity for all our expenses during its progress, and for all claims due to our citizens, how is this to be obtained? Is it by purchasing a speedy peace, or by a vigorous prosecution of the war? Why, this bill is not reported for the purpose of vigorously prosecuting the war. Whenever that has been submitted to us as the object to be accomplished, on this side of the chamber as well as on the other, no Senator has evinced the slightest disposition to refuse all which has been demanded by the President to bring the war to a termination by this mode. All the appropriations of money which he has demanded have been unhesitatingly granted: even against the sense of some of his own friends, all the troops he has asked for, and precisely of the description he has required, have been given him. And there is an entire disposition to go yet further. And whenever the President shall think more aid necessary, he will find as many advocates on this side the chamber, as he has a right to look for among his own political friends. What, then, is the character of this bill? Does it look to a termination of the war by a vigorous prosecution of it? No. It rather shows the white feather, to use a common phrase. It fears-and it is clearly founded on that apprehension-that no such peace can be obtained from a vigorous prosecution of the war. The evident object of the bill is not to fight, but to buy a peace. The Senator from Arkansas goes on to say, that the intelligence possessed by the President gave them reason to believe that peace could be obtained. Unfortunately, the Senate did not enjoy the benefit of that intelligence. language of the Senator from Arkansas was: The "The intelligence possessed by the President gave them reason to believe, that by a certain advance in money, to be made to them in their exhausted and impoverished condition, to pay off their army and other expenses, they would be willing 2D SESS.] Three Million Loan. [FEBRUARY, 1847. which, if united, he feared we might not be able to conquer! and able to make peaee, and cede, for the objects specified, that portion of the country he had named. Well, he goes there. He goes attended by Now, he (Mr. J.) could not for his life see a troop of officers. He passes our blockade by what benefit this was to be to us. But before order of the President of the United States. he proceeded, he would go a little further back. And the moment he gets there he is found The President of the United States, in his augiving “aid and comfort to the enemy; " and nual Message, in which he is justifying the he is enabled to do this by this act of our Prespermission which he authorized to be given to ident. The country rises to receive him. All Santa Anna to return to Mexico, told us, among the resources of the nation are put at his comother things, that the day war was declared mand. The dying hopes of the people are rethe 13th of May, 1846-that very day, he gave vived through the instrumentality of the Presithe order, or caused the order to be given, that dent of the United States, and Santa Anna now Santa Anna might be permitted to return to stands their leader, their chosen leader-he Mexico. Now, this was an extraordinary cir- who is the most successful and approved soldier cumstance. The 13th day of May was the very that Mexico ever had. He is invested with the day on which Congress passed the act recog-command of from forty to fifty thousand wellnizing the war with Mexico, and on that day chosen and well-drilled troops; he has the the President gave permission to Santa Anna to command of the country, and his will, by the return. I will read what he says on this sub-physical power which he is able to wield, must ject. It succeeds what I will read hereafter: be the will of the nation. Now, what effect must this have on the nation? It must draw closer their union, revive their expiring hopes, reanimate their courage, and create the determination to die in the last ditch in defence of their soil. Of this, no Senator could doubt who had heard, on another occasion, intelligence from journals published in that country, read to this body by the Senator from New York, (Mr. DIx.) And while Santa Anna has been returned to Mexico by the act of our President, we are not able to meet him. In May last fifty thousand men were placed at the command of the President-all he asked; but he called out but a trifling quota. And what was the War Secretary doing? Why, as late as November last, he writes that no more troops will be wanted; but in five days after, ten regiments are called into the field, and soon after this Congress comes together, ten more regiments are asked for. How soon either of these ten regiments can be mustered into the service it will be impossible to say. It will take time. But what was now proposed to be done? "In view of these facts and circumstances it was, that, when orders were issued to the commander of our naval forces in the Gulf, on the 13th day of May last, the day on which the existence of the war had been recognized by Congress, to place the coasts of Mexico under blockade, he was directed not to obstruct the passage of Santa Anna to Mexico, should he attempt to return." Now what were the circumstances under which the order was given, and what were the reasons which resulted from those circumstances? He tells us in the preceding part of the same Message: "Our object was the restoration of peace; and with that view, no reason was perceived why we should take part with Paredes, and aid him, by means of our blockade, in preventing the return of his rival to Mexico. On the contrary, it was believed that the intestine divisions which ordinary sagacity could not but anticipate as the fruit of Santa Anna's return to Mexico, and his contest with Paredes, might strongly tend to produce a disposition with both parties to restore and preserve peace with the United States." The "intestine divisions" in which he might involve Mexico! This was the avowal of the President of the United States, of his reasons for such an extraordinary circumstance. The "intestine divisions" which Santa Anna's return to Mexico was expected to occasion, was to bring peace to the United States! He expected to obtain an "honorable and successful termination of the war" by sending into the country of our adversary a man to produce "intestine divisions!" It was not to be accomplished by our arms and our valor, but by supposing the return of one whose tyranny had compelled the people to drive him into exile, in the hope that his return would be attended with "intestine divisions" and with a revolution, involving the country in a civil war, and creating by a civil war still greater embarrassments than resulted from the contest with us, and thus to induce them to enter into a peace, VOL. XVI.-4 One thing could not avoid suggesting itself to the Senate, and that was the inquiry, how it had happened that in the months of May, June, July, and August last, when Santa Anna had the orders, which had doubtless been communicated to him, that he might return, he never started to go to Mexico until the President here asked them in secret session, and afterwards in public, to give him two millions of dollars for this purpose? The Senator from Arkansas, who is supposed necessarily to consult the President, now asks for three millions of dollars. How was this? Had Santa Anna raised his demands? When the Senator from Arkansas closes this debate, as he supposed that Senator would, he hoped he would inform the Senate why it was that two millions were asked for in August and three millions now? Was this additional sum to be considered as part of the expenses of the war? How, then, were we to be paid for paying the Mexican army? In Mexican territory? Were these FEBRUARY, 1847.] Three Million Loan. [29TH CONG, three millions to be considered as part of the | progress of the United States thus far has anexpenses of the war? nounced that we have. No people that ever breathed in past time or the present, can compare in the prosperity which we have enjoyed and the glory we have acquired by and for the United States with its present territory. The war will have been forgotten except for the splendor of its achievements-and they will tell the world through all time what is the ex We present the extraordinary spectacle of being willing to have an army of our own in the field, and an army of the Mexican Republic, and of being willing, out of the treasury of the United States, to pay the expenses of both, provided Santa Anna will think proper to cede to the United States at least New Mexico and Upper California. And if he does not do it intent and ability of American valor—they will a short time, as the Senator intimates, we shall require a great deal more of Mexican territory, if not the whole. Now this appeared to him to be a most extraordinary position. We are to make peace with Mexico, which, by the very confession of the Senator's speech, is broken down by contending factions, and from day to day is afraid of its tyrants, amongst whom she numbered this very Santa Anna that our Presi- | dent returns to them-they are afraid of, they look with dread upon the army, which had been the great cause of the oppressions of these down-trodden and impoverished people-but we are to make peace with them by pouring gifts into the hands of that very army and that very leader, and then transfer them, in spite of themselves, from the institutions in which they have been bred, from the associations in which they have been brought up, and which they value, into our institutions-into one of the portions of the United States-to be subject to our laws. Now there is something wrong in this. The principle is wrong. He was satisfied that the Senator from Arkansas and those who thought with him did so on high and lofty principle; but standing there as an American Senator, he felt called upon to say that a war of dismemberment was revolting to his moral sense of propriety, honor, and justice. [Mr. Johnson concluded with a vivid representation of the danger to the Union from the slavery agitation arising out of this acquisition of territory, and could see but one way to avoid that danger, and that was by keeping it out in not making the acquisition.] There was but one way to obviate it, and that way was open to us; it was a way which had hitherto made us a happy, powerful, and united people. It was by keeping the question out: and, in his judgment, it could be done consistently with the national honor. What were one hundred or two hundred millions of dollars expense in which this war may involve us? No man can feel the pressure of it for a moment. No man would know of its existence, unless he were told of the fact. And what was additional territory wanted for? Have we not enough not only for the men of the present day, but for hundreds and hundreds and hundreds of millions, that may come into existence hereafter? Have we not degrees of latitude enough to furnish us with every thing to supply man's wants and minister to his comforts? The tell to all times that whenever and however assailed, American courage and American skill, under the guidance of American freedom, are equal to any emergency. But great as our prosperity is, and great as is the glory we have heretofore had, they will be still greater if we are but true to ourselves. Who, looking through the vista of time-no matter how fruitful his imagination—no matter how sanguine his temperament-can tell of the power and glory of those that will succeed us if this Union lasts? The South is in no danger from whatever they might term the honest prejudices of the North, or the political fanaticism of the political demagogues of the North, if there be such, who may seek to avail themselves of such fanaticism, if the South was true to itself, and stood together as one man to the territory we now hold, covered as it was with the ægis of protection which the constitution affords. They dare not pass a State line, or the constitution will speak in a voice of authority. Once assail us, and the laws will vindicate our rights. But when a new element is brought into existence-when new States are to be brought in, consisting of a territory equal, as the President says, to the original thirteen States of this Union, by conquest, then an alarming element is created, which is calculated to frighten the most sanguine. In the name of brave so much danger for such an acquisition? Heaven why was it that they were willing to And an acquisition obtained by such means! Were they not satisfied with the Constitution of the United States? Have we not territory enough to answer all the reasonable wants of human society? Has not the constitution given to all the blessings which man can derive from such an instrumentality? It was reared for immortality, if any work of man can aspire to such an existence, but it might perish in an hour by forgetfulness, corruption, or neg ligence. What, then, is to be done? He asked Southern men and Northern men, if the question should be forced upon them, what was to be done? The North is firm as the soil upon which her freemen tread: the South is imbued with indomitable courage, and feels impressed with the conviction that their rights are invaded. What, then, is to be the result? One of two things: civil war with all its inconceivable evils, or the disruption of this Union. The cement which keeps us all together, in a Union which dispenses to all every thing that any contrivance of human society can dispense, 2D SESS.] Three Million Loan. is to be dissolved; and this glorious and mighty republic, now the pride and admiration of the world, will be broken into withered and scattered fragments; and all by suicidal_hands. And all, I again repeat, for what? Because Mexico is unable to pay except by a cession of territory which we will force from her at the point of the bayonet, or failing in that, will buy a peace. [FEBRUARY, 1847. desired his own; but he desired still more that nothing of the kind should take place, believing it was wholly unnecessary, and might put to hazard the appropriation itself. Mr. MOREHEAD rose to address the Senate, but as the hour was late, he gave way for a motion to go into executive session. MONDAY, February 8. Three Million Loan. The Senate proceeded to the consideration of the special order, being the bill making further appropriation to bring the war with Mexico to a speedy and honorable conclusion; the question pending being the amendment of Mr. Cass, to substitute for the amendment of Mr. BERRIEN, the following: and meaning of Congress, in making this appropria"And it is hereby declared to be the true intent tion, that as, by the act of the republic of Mexico, a state of war exists between that Government and the United States, agreeably to the declaration made by act of Congress on the 13th of May last, therefore the interest and honor of this country require that the said war should be vigorously prosecuted to a successful issue; and that a reasonable indemnity should be obtained from Mexico for the wrongs she has committed towards the Government and citizens of the United States. Mr. CASS remarked that he did not rise to make that speech-the speech the honorable Senator from Maryland had so much pressed him to make. His honorable friend had paid him a good many compliments; some of them were righthanded, but some of them, Mr. C. feared, were rather lefthanded. Were it not for the confidence he had in the good faith and judgment of the honorable Senator, his modesty would have suggested there was some little humor in what had been said with such outward gravity. However, he was bound to believe he deserved it all. Mr. C. said the honorable Senator had adjured him with unusual solemnity to make a speech-to explain the amendment he had offered-adjured him by the highest moral and political considerations -by his duty to himself, to the Senate, to the country, to the world, and to posterity. He could hardly escape from such invocations. Still he would not make a speech, at any rate at that moment. His resolution appeared to "And it is further declared that the nature and him so plain as to need no explanation. He who runs may read it. Its bearing lay upon the first instance for Executive consideration, when extent of such indemnities are proper subjects in the very surface, and could only be misunder-negotiations for peace may be opened between this stood by talking it into a state of mystery. country and Mexico, subject to the action of the Mr. C. said he could not flatter himself that Senate on the question of ratification.” the world knew or cared much about him-an ignorance in which posterity would equally Mr. MOREHEAD said the bill proposed to appartake. Whether he spoke or not, was a mat-propriate the sum of three millions, to be apter of the smallest possible consequence to any plied, under the direction of the President of body but to him. But (he said) he rose for a the United States, to defray such extraordinary more serious object, and that was to put him- expenditures as might be necessary to bring self and his amendment right in the opinion of the war to a speedy and honorable conclusion. the Senator from Maryland. That honorable What these extraordinary expenditures were, Senator had wholly misunderstood him. He the bill did not state, and no information on seemed to suppose the amendment was de- this point had been given by the chairman of signed to entrap some Senator who might be the Committee on Foreign Relations, or by any desirous of voting for the appropriation, but of the friends of the Administration. Of one who could not vote for the declaration that thing we must be assured, that this appropriaMexico commenced the war. No such un- tion was beyond all the sums ordinarily necesworthy purpose gave birth to his proposition. sary for the prosecution of a war, and that it So far from it, he himself should vote against was to be expended for the purpose of bringing it on the final question, should it supersede the the war to a conclusion. Among the various amendment of the Senator from Georgia. Mr. modes by which the war might be terminated, C. said he desired the naked appropriation, might be named its vigorous and successful without any restriction as to its application, prosecution, by the combined efforts of our and he did not design to encumber it with any army and navy, by blockading ports, capturing thing which would impede its passage. He the enemy's vessels, subduing towns, taking was anxious for a cession of land, and he be- possession of provinces, and overrunning terrilieved if the matter were left to the President, tories. But all these objects might be accomthat a cession would be obtained satisfactory plished by the application of the ordinary exto the American people. In introducing his penditures. There might be extraordinary proposition, he was merely desirous to express events, growing out of the victories and trihis views on the subject as contradistinguished umphs of our army; there might be some enfrom those of the Senator from Georgia. If a terprises in keeping with the former glory of rider must be attached to the appropriation, he our navy; but these might be met by the or |