52

FEBRUARY, 1847.]

Three Million Loan.

dinary appropriations. Another mode of terminating the war might be by means of negotiation. To effect this, the President might ask for the appointment of a commission, to which he (Mr. M.) did not doubt that the Senate would hasten to give its approbation, for the purpose of opening a negotiation. But the expenses of such a commission would be provided for by the ordinary course of appropriation. There might, however, be other objects than those he had enumerated, other means to be employed, other influences to be brought into action, to be applied without reference to the legislative authority, but exclusively by the President. The bill says, that this sum of three millions shall be expended under the direction of the President. According to the language of the bill, he is to be governed, in its expenditure, only by his personal will and uncontrolled pleasure. It is to be expended, therefore, in some mode of which the people can have no knowledge, and in which the legislative branch can exercise no advisory power. The bill confers on the President an unprecedented and enormous power; a measure not only unexampled in our history, but in opposition to the spirit of our institutions.

[29TH CONG. This war with Mexico was about to subject still the Constitution of the United States to a severer trial than those it had heretofore experienced. They were now occupying a new attitude in view of their constitutional powers, and in view also of the course which expediency required. Hitherto the wars in which they had been engaged were wars for human liberty, or in defence of violated rights. Now there was pending a war of conquest. What were the obligations resting upon the Government of the United States in view of such a state of things? Should they, in imitation of the Governments of Europe, prosecute a war for conquest to the dismemberment of a neighboring nation? Did the genius of our constitution permit the adoption of such a course? He thought that the great American doctrine was a doctrine peculiarly applicable to the support and protection of our domestic institutions, But now it totally distinct from any purpose of acquiring foreign territory by conquest. seemed, in view of the attitude in which we were placed, in a war which had been brought on, as they were told by their friends on the other side, by Mexico, and merely recognized by us, that a war of this character was to be We are engaged in a war with a powerless prosecuted with vigor and energy, for the purenemy; an enemy so weak and powerless, that, pose of acquiring territory, and of setting up our own civil institutions within the territory at the commencement of the conflict, it was deemed only necessary to send the few troops thus acquired; thus extending, as it was said, we had into the field to insure a compliance the limits of freedom by the prosecution of this war of conquest. Without inquiring into the with our demands; and now we are called on to sanction an extraordinary expenditure of fact, whether the war was commenced by three millions to bring the war to a close. The Mexico or not, it would have been but the excontest is not to be terminated by the prowess ercise of a proper discretion on the part of the of our arms, but by the application of money; President if he had hesitated before removing and the bill proposes to grant this money to the army from Corpus Christi. It would have the President, to be expended at the will of the been a fair subject of inquiry (it seemed to him) President, and without any other restriction on the part of the President, how far it would than a provision that he shall account for it be expedient and proper to direct such a movehereafter. If, after getting us into a war with ment; how far it would be construed into an that weak and powerless foe, we are willing to act of hostility towards the republic of Mexico? place these three millions in the hands of the He differed with the President as to the proPresident, how much more would be required priety even of this incipient movement But, of us if we were engaged in a war with either not to detain the Senate with any protracted of the most powerful nations in the world- argument upon this point, he would proceed to France or Great Britain, or both of them? the next important act of the President in reWould fifty-would a hundred millions be suf- lation to this war, in permitting Santa Anna to ficient in such a case? If it would, it would re-enter Mexico; and he would venture to asfurnish no justification of the appropriation we sert that there was no event in the history of The President atare at this time required to make, when we the prosecution of war anywhere, so novel and have a President without any military talents unprecedented as this. or skill-he said this without intending any tempted, in his Message at the opening of this disrespect without those qualities which session, to give them his views at large upon would be a security for its wise application. this subject, and to assign the reasons which The occasion, the juncture, the position in had actuated him in permitting Santa Anna to which we stand, all admonish us of the danger-pass the blockading squadron. These reasons ous tendency of such a course. Here, if we pass this bill, will be a precedent, which will be entitled hereafter to consideration and discussion, which may be wielded to pernicious influences, which, in our Government of checks and balances, cannot be too vigilantly guarded against,

were before them; and, in view of the subsequent events which had happened, and in view of the elevated position which Santa Anna now occupied, of the dangerous nature of that position in relation to the army of the United States, and of the opportunity which he possessed to injure us, he would leave it to the

2D SESS.]

Three Million Loan.

[FEBRUARY, 1847.

people of the United States to judge in what | one end of this extended continent to the other manner the trust confided to the President had been fulfilled.

a response, the tones of which will be calculated to shake the foundations on which our institutions rest. Sir, are we prepared to encounter hazards like these?

There were other great interests involved: interests to which allusion had been made by the Senator from Georgia and the Senator from The question of which I am speaking now, Maryland; interests growing out of these ac- and which I almost dread to discuss, agitated quisitions of territory by the dismemberment the councils of our fathers; and there is, resultof Mexico. Besides the principle that was at ing from the policy pursued by them, an exstake, besides the incompatibility of doctrines ample which seems to me worthy of praise-an of this kind with the interests of the Govern- example of compromise and conciliation, avoidment of the United States, there were yet un- ing extremes on either side. I call, therefore, known and unseen evils that would result from upon our friends on the other side so to leave such a policy, which it became their duty to this question as to promote the sound policy avoid as far as practicable. Let us not push of the Government; as to heal up the wounds the territorial limits of this Government to which dissension has already made; to quiet such an extent as to bring upon us a collision the apprehensions of the public mind, and to of interests and feelings which will shake the follow the example of the illustrious fathers of very foundations of the Government. What the republic, in announcing that the object of sort of policy is it that will lead us into the this Administration is not to add territory to pursuit of territorial acquisition at the expense the Union by dismembering another nation; of our own domestic peace and concord? that it is not their object to pursue a policy What sort of policy is that which will lead us that will shake the public sentiment of this on step by step in the pursuit of conquest, country to a dangerous extent. They owe it while at home there is such formidable opposi- to themselves and to the country to place the tion to a policy of this sort as to endanger the policy of the present Government upon this very institutions of the Government? What-ground. Sir, it appears to me that it is the ever may be the views of the Executive or of American statesmen in regard to this policy, it seems to me to be a subject which requires the utmost deliberation.

It would, he thought, be a poor return for the achievement of a legislative victory on the part of his friends on the other side of the chamber-it would be a poor consolation to the people of this country, after having carried our arms to the Pacific, if the acquisition of territory, which would be the result of that proceeding, should have the effect of creating internal discord, and destroying the institutions of this country. There was a question involved in this consideration which overshadowed them like a cloud. The great question of slavery, as the conscript fathers of the Republic well knew when the Government was first established, would become the more dangerous the more it was agitated.

Why, then, should they pursue a policy that would lead to such agitation? What was the state of things now, as exhibited in the popular branch of the legislature? Was it not plainly to be perceived that there was a majority there that could carry measures which it would be the interest of this country to reject? Should they not, while they had it in their power, avoid a policy which would occasion the agitation of this question? He thought they should announce such a determination at once, from both sides of this chamber, so that the public mind might be set at rest. But, announce to the people of this country that you are about to add one-third of the territory of Mexico to your already extended limits, and one-tenth of her population, and put to them the question as to their approval of your policy, and it will be met by a response which will be felt from

interest of this Executive to quiet the feeling that now exists in this country upon this subject, instead of asking money for the purpose of acquiring territory, which will excite and exasperate that feeling. As you have announced to the country that the war was not commenced for conquest, you should also announce that it is not to end by conquest. Have we not land enough to satisfy any American citizen? Or is there such a pressing necessity to have more, that we will endanger all that is dear to us in the pursuit of this policy?

Sir, there is another branch of this subject to which I will briefly advert. Suppose the President should purchase Upper California and New Mexico; suppose he applies the money to be given to him by this bill in such a way as to secure to us those territories, and presents to the Senate a treaty with the republic of Mexico to that effect; do gentlemen suppose that it is a matter of certainty that the Senate will accede to it? Where, then, is the propriety of urging a measure that can end in no good? Is there any certainty, I ask, that a treaty negotiated upon this basis can ever receive the sanction of the Senate? In view of the great divisions which distract this country, a majority of two-thirds on a question like this is very difficult to be obtained. Suppose, then, a treaty negotiated on this basis should be presented to the Senate and rejected: what, then, is the attitude which you will occupy before this nation and the world? You will indicate to Europe, that while the President has announced that the war at its beginning was not for conquest, you announce that both the beginning and the close of the war has been exclusively for conquest. There is the positive fact presented to the view of the world. There

FEBRUARY, 1847.]

Three Million Loan Bill-Wilmot Proviso.

is the result. Negotiation concluded, and a treaty presented to the Senate and rejected, and what will you have gained? Increased divisions, excitement, and disorder throughout the land; dangerous agitation, every thing, sir, which the mind can conceive or the eye look upon, threatening the disturbance of the peace and quiet of the people of this country.

[29TH CONG. that will meet their approval; and my word for it, he will not find a dissenting voice. There is no party in this country willing to throw obstructions in the way of beneficial measures-measures for the advancement of the interests and the glory of this country. I know how apt we are to look upon the Representatives in these halls as opposed to each Again: suppose you make a treaty upon this other upon all questions submitted to them, basis, and it is confirmed by the Senate: what because they represent different portions of the do you gain? You have additional territory; country, and, to some extent, different interwhat do you propose to do with it? I suppose ests; but, upon a question like this, it will be there is not a citizen of this country who, if found that they represent but one people, havthe question were put to him, would not saying a common object to promote the good of that you have territory enough already. But the whole nation. you acquire additional territory. What else do you acquire? You will have acquired a large number of the population of Mexico, an ignorant, a fanatic, a disorderly people-a population having none of the elements of character in common with the people of this country-a population sprung from a different origin, having none of the blood of the Anglo-Saxons running in their veins-a people differing from you in origin, in character, in feelings, and in principles-having nothing in common with

you.

What are you to do with them? Are you to govern them as you do your slaves in those States which now tolerate the institution of slavery? Are you to treat them as serfs belonging to the land which you acquire, as attached to the soil? Or will you put them on a level with the people of this country? Will you give them the privileges which your people enjoy, and enable them to regulate and control the destinies of the Government? Will you elevate them to the character of citizens of the United States, though it is now universally believed that the people of Mexico are entirely destitute of the capacity of self-government? Sir, if they are to constitute a portion of your population-if they are to become free citizens side by side with us-it may be that, in displaying those elements of character which render them now the most unstable, unsettled, inefficient population on the face of the globe, you may have the same difficulty in governing them that the authorities in Mexico have. I will acknowledge the energy and power of this Government, but at the same time remember their remoteness from the centre of action; remember the responsibility that you would incur, owing to their distance from the seat of power. You may pass your laws, but you may not be able to control the people and to enforce their obedience.

Sir, in every aspect in which I can view this subject, it does seem to me that it becomes us to pause before adopting a policy like this. Let the President, in his confidential relations with the two Houses, ask us, if he chooses, to receive a Message from him disclosing his policy; let him put this grant of three millions upon a known and recognized basis; let the country be satisfied that the appropriation is intended to accomplish a great national object

Mr. CALHOUN moved that the subject be informally passed over.

HOUSE OF REPRENTATIVES.

MONDAY, February 8.

Three Million Loan Bill-Wilmot Proviso. The House resolved itself into Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, (Mr. NORRIS in the chair,) and took up for consideration the bill appropriating three millions of dollars to bring the war with Mexico to a speedy and honorable termination.

The bill having been read

Mr. C. J. INGERSOLL, chairman of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, went into a speech at large in explanation and support of the bill, in which he stated, in substance, that the money was wanted to buy New Mexico and California. He then went into some remarks on the proviso which he understood his colleague (Mr. WILMOT) was going to offer to the bill, which he strenuously opposed.

Mr. WILMOT then obtained the floor, and offered as an amendment, a proviso restricting the addition to the United States of any slave territory; and then yielded the floor to

Mr. BOYD, who moved that the committee rise to receive in the House the report of the Committee of Conference on the army bill. The committee thereupon rose and reported progress.

The House, on motion of Mr. Brodhead, returned into Committee of the Whole, (Mr. NORRIS again in the chair,) and resumed the consideration of the three million bill with Mr. WILMOT's proviso; and the question being on the adoption of the proviso

Mr. WILMOT having the floor, refused to surrender it, and addressed the committee substantially as follows:

I suppose, Mr. Chairman, it will be proper for me to notify the committee that I intend to move to amend the bill by the additional section which has been read, without now designating any particular part of the bill in which I intend it should come. And my anxiety in this matter is not to deprive the gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. DROMGOOLE,) or anybody else of the opportunity to move any amend

2D SESS.]

Three Million Loan Bill-Wilmot Proviso.

ment to the bill they may wish, but I am embarrassed by these rules of the House, (with which I am little acquainted,) and my object is, the opportunity to be heard upon this question fairly, and not to be deprived, by any parliamentary restrictions, of the opportunity of vindicating this amendment, and vindicating the position which I occupy before the House and the country.

[FEBRUARY, 1847.

Mr. SIMS, of South Carolina (Mr. W. yielding) said he recollected, when the question was under discussion here, near the close of the last session, that he had made remarks sustaining the propriety of the two-million appropriation; but in the course of these remarks, he deprecated, as untimely and mischievous, the proposition which was likely to come from the gentleman from Pennsylvania; and the entire South, so far as he recollected, (he knew that he did, at least,) when the proviso was voted upon, voted against it; and he voted against his declared sentiments in reference to the appropriation; so unwilling was he to give any countenance to such a proviso.

Mr. WILMOT (resuming.) I was aware that the proviso met with no favor from the South. I did not mean to declare that it did; and if the gentleman so understood me, he misunderstood me. I did not mean to say that the South was favorable in any way to the proviso which I offered. They resisted it, manfully, boldly resisted it. But, sir, it was passed. And there was then no cry that the Union was to be

Sir, it will be recollected by all present, that at the last session of this Congress, an amendment was moved to a bill of a similar character by me, in the form of a proviso, by which slavery should be forever excluded from any territory that might be subsequently acquired by the United States from the republic of Mexico. Sir, permit me to say, that upon that occasion that proviso was sustained by a very decided majority of this House. Nay, sir, more; it was sustained, if I mistake not, by a majority of the republican party on this floor. And I am prepared to show, I think, that the entire South were then willing to acquiesce in what appeared to be, and, so far as the action of this House is concerned, in what was the legisla-severed in consequence. No, sir. But I fear tion, will, and declaration of this Union on the subject. It passed in this House. Sir, there were no threats of disunion sounded in our ears. It passed here, and it went to the Senate, and it was the judgment of the public, and of many men well informed, that had it not been defeated there for the want of time, it would have passed that body and become the established law of the land.

Sir, the friends of this Administration, of whom I am one, did not then charge upon me, did not throw the whole burden upon me, nor upon those who acted with me, of having, by the introduction and support of that proviso at an untimely period of the question, defeated a measure especially necessary for the establishment of peace between this country and Mexico. The "Union," sir, the whole Democratic press in the land, charged this upon the unparliamentary conduct of a Senator from Massachusetts. He was charged with having defeated this great measure, by the Administration press, and the "Organ" of the Administration; showing that the Administration and the President were entirely willing to accept of this appropriation under the restrictions imposed by the proviso which I offered.

Yes! no anathemas were fulminated against me then. I was not then denounced as an abolitionist by the correspondents of the Union," as I have been since, and from which charge I intend to vindicate myself. And I say to its respectable editor, for whom I have high respect and regard, that I am no more an abolitionist than he is a Hartford-Convention Federalist; and of that, no man who knows his history or his character will charge him. I am as far from the one as he is from the other.

I assert, then, that the South was prepared to acquiesce in this restriction.

that the hesitation and the warning of Northern men on this question has induced the South to assume a bolder attitude. Why, sir, in God's name, should the Union be dissolved for this? What do we ask in this matter? We ask but sheer justice and right. It was a question of compromise. I would go as far as any man in this House for compromise. Were it a question of concession and compromise, I might perhaps say to the North, Concede again, as you have done before; yield all; bow to the South, as you have done on all previous occasions-yield this also. But it is a question of naked and abstract right; and, in the eloquent language of my colleague from the Erie district, (Mr. THOMPSON,) Sooner shall they draw this right shoulder from its socket, than I will yield one jot or tittle of the ground on which I stand.

What, then, do we ask? Sir, we ask the neutrality of this Government on this question of slavery. I have stood up at home, and fought single-handed-no, I was not singlehanded, because my party was with me-but I have stood at home, and fought, time and again, against the Abolitionists of the North. I have denounced them publicly, upon all occasions, when it was proper to do so. I have met them in their own meetings, and assailed them. And, sir, the efforts that may be made, here or elsewhere, to give an abolition complexion to this movement, cannot, so far as my district and my people are concerned, have the least effect. And efforts made to give me the character of an abolitionist, will fall harmless when they reach my constituency. They know me upon this question distinctly. I stand by every compromise of the constitution. I adhere to its letter and its spirit. And I would never invade one single right of the South. So far from it am I, that I stand ready, at all times

FEBRUARY, 1847.]

Three Million Loan.

[29TH CONG.

and upon all occasions, as do nearly the entire | this? It is not, sir, in the spirit of the comNorth, to sustain the institutions of the South pact; it is not, sir, in the constitution.

as they exist, with our money and with our blood, when that day comes, as many-many Southern men-fear it may come. When that day comes, sir, the North stands with them. We go for every compromise of the constitution.

IN SENATE.
TUESDAY, February 9.

Three Million Loan.

The Senate proceeded to the consideration of the special order, being the bill making a special appropriation to bring the war with Mexico to a speedy and honorable conclusion the question pending being the amendment of Mr. Cass.

conducted in order to bring it most advantageously to a successful termination? or, to express it a little more fully, How shall it be conducted to enable us most advantageously to effect all the objects for which the war was made? for it is only by effecting these objects, that the war can properly be said to be successful.

But, sir, this is another question-entirely another question. We ask that this Government preserve the integrity of free territory against the aggressions of slavery-against its wrongful usurpations. Sir, I was in favor of the annexation of Texas. I supported it with the whole influence which I possessed, and I Mr. CALHOUN rose and addressed the Senate. was willing to take Texas in as she was. I Never (said he) since I have been upon the sought not to change the character of her in-stage of action, has this country been placed in stitutions. Texas was a slave country; and a more critical situation than at present. We although it was held out to us, in the cele- are not only in the midst of a war, a very diffibrated letter of Mr. Walker, that two slave and cult and very expensive war, but we are involved two free States might be made out of it, yet in a domestic question of the most irritating the whole of Texas was given up to slavery, and dangerous character. They both claim every inch. For although the Missouri com- our serious and deliberate consideration, and I promise line was mentioned in the resolutions do trust, that before this session closes, late as of annexation, yet no State can be admitted it is, they will both receive a full discussion. without the consent of the original State of It is due to our constituents that the actual Texas ; and she, by her refusal to allow any state of things in reference to both should be free State to be formed out of her limits, may fully understood. For the present, I purpose keep that whole country for slavery. We to consider the question which is more immevoted for the annexation of Texas. The De-diately pending: How shall this war be best mocracy of the North was for it, to a man. We are for it now-firmly for it. Sir, we are fighting this war for Texas, and for the South. I affirm it; here is a matter well known to the Union. We are fighting this war cheerfully, not reluctantly; cheerfully fighting this war for Texas; and as we seek not to change the character of her institutions, slavery was recognized there, and established by law. Now, sir, There are two ways (continued Mr. C.) in we are told that California is ours; and so it which this war may be conducted. The one is. I intend to refer more particularly to this is, to push on offensive operations until Mexico subject before I conclude. But, we are told, is compelled to yield to our terms; the other California is ours. And all we ask in the North is, to take a defensive position, and to maintain is, that the character of its territory be pre- and secure the possession of the country which served. It is free; and it is part of the estab-is already in our military occupation; and the lished law of nations, and all public law, that when it shall come into this Union, all laws there existing, not inconsistent with its new allegiance, will remain in force. This fundamental law, which prohibits slavery in California, will be in force; this fundamental law, which prohibits slavery in New Mexico, will be in force. Shall the South invade it? Shall the South make this Government an instrument for the violation of its neutrality, and for the establishment of slavery in these territories, in defiance of law? That is the question. There is no question of abolition here, sir. It is a question whether the South shall be permitted, by aggression, by invasion of right, by subduing free territory and planting slavery upon it, to wrest this territory to the accomplishment of its own sectional purposes and schemes? That is the question. And shall we of the North submit to it? Must we yield

question which I propose now to consider is, which of these two ought to be selected? This is, Mr. President, a great question; in my opinion it is next in importance only to the war itself. I have given it my most deliberate consideration, and the result to which I have come is, that we ought to choose the defensive position, and I shall now proceed to state the reasons on which that conclusion is founded. I believe that such a course is the best calculated to bring this war to a successful termination, or, to express it more fully and more explicitly, (for I wish to be fully comprehended upon this important question,) to bring it to a certain successful termination, and that with the least sacrifice of men and money, and with the least hazard of disasters or sacrifices, or loss of reputation or standing to this country.

If he rightly understood the objects for which this war was declared, he felt a deep