FEBRUARY, 1847.]

Mr. Calhoun's Slavery Resolutions.

[29TH CONG. | tion of these odious distinctions. I can indicate no path. I know not but the plan indicated by my honorable colleague, so far as it regards the mode of carrying on the war, is very good. But so far as regards the ultimate acquisition of territory, I have my doubts. I would leave exercise of the judgment of this responsible body, for the purpose of making a treaty in good faith for the whole nation, without reference to sectional benefits, I would rejoice at it. I have no objections to it thus far; but I am afraid that we will thus subject one which cannot be avoided.

these modern days; and while we are rebuked every day by the inducements to continue in this Union, it is one of the objects, which it seems to me, political-if I should not use exact terms, I hope I shall be excused-political aspirants, with criminal indifference to the consequences, are sporting with every move-that to a treaty, and if made, bona fide, in the ment. When you look to the future, can you not behold the time when the grandchildren of those now living in Massachusetts, with an enterprise characteristic of all the Northern States, will be found at the South, and as you think of such a painful issue as the shedding of kindred blood in a contest of this kind, are you not forcibly admonished of the duty to consult the spirit of compromise in which this constitution originated, and which pervades that instrument throughout? If we could all but worship on the altar of justice and good faith, erected by our ancestors, I would trust every one of the questions which have been brought up here to New York, Pennsylvania, or Massa

chusetts.

We must deal with this subject as we find it; and I am very much afraid that the treaty -if there be a treaty made-will include some of the territory in such a manner as will bring up this question unavoidably. It would be odious, sir, to reduce it to 36° 30', merely to announce a proposition. I would contend for the ninth part of a hair, if for nothing else but to assert my rights. I am one of those that proclaim that I would rather not have any territory at all-I would quit this war, with all its calamities and losses-rather than incur the dreadful consequences predicted, so far as regards our institutions hereafter. We cannot look to peace, without seeing dangers far more appalling than the war itself. I do not want any of the territory. I am free to say, per se -if I may be permitted to use the phrase-I do not want any territory. We have enough for our population-more, perhaps, than we can fill up in the next century. But there is one feature in this case which must be considered, in relation to other countries, and especially the great maritime nations of the earth. I do not want any territory as room for our population. But if Mexico would consentand I would much rather have it by her consent to dispose of some territory on the Pacific, by which we might have some incidental advantage for our navy on that ocean-for in that respect it is the great highway of nations, and ours should have as many advantages as any other nation.-I say, if we could get the port spoken of, (San Francisco,) with such territory as might be along with it, I would rejoice, and rejoice that it fell on the other side of the line, because it would have shown a reference, bona fide, to our own policy in relation to the nations of the earth, that might be really attributed to it. But when you come, sir, and undertake to acquire more territory, and define it in such a way as to bring up this question, I cannot accord to any recogni

But you ask what will I do? I am willing to give this money, but not with any of the qualifications or amendments offered here. I am willing to give it with a fair understanding, that it will be used for the purpose of terminating this war. There must be judgment exercised in this matter. We must trust it to somebody. The President is the responsible person, who must necessarily commence and carry on this negotiation. I am not going to say whether he is fit or unfit; I have no right to say so. I have always entertained habitual respect for those who fill the highest offices of Government, and will not be guilty of the indecorum of giving any opinion of my own. I am indebted to the President for many of his measures. The South is indebted to him. The constancy, intrepidity, and firmness, which the President displayed at the last session of Congress, during the discussion of the great measure of free trade, have laid the South under a lasting debt of gratitude to him. I have none of the feelings in relation to political influences, which may be brought to bear upon this subject, that I have seen manifested on this floor. Mr. President, we are certainly in a difficult position. If we quit the war, it will be apparently with dishonor. If we go on it must end in mischief. The truth is, we are like the shepherd who has got the wolf by the ears! It is hazardous to let go-it is worse to hold on. [A laugh.] What to do I can scarcely tell; I can do no more than offer my suggestions; I shall take refuge in the wisdom, the moderation, the firmness of Senators upon this floorand I hope to hear them all-when I come to give my final vote; and I appeal to them. I have no vanity; and so far as regards party feeling, none at all. I have no aspirations. I shall not profit by the triumphs of any one party in the United States. I have no higher ambition than with fidelity to represent in part the State of South Carolina.

FRIDAY, February 19.

Mr. Calhoun's Slavery Resolutions. Mr. CALHOUN rose and said: Mr. President, I rise to offer a set of resolutions in reference to the various resolutions from the State Legislatures upon the subject of what they call the

2D SESS.]

Mr. Calhoun's Slavery Resolutions.

[FEBRUARY, 1847.

extension of slavery, and the proviso attached | slave States, giving a majority in the aggregate to the House bill, called the three million bill. What I propose before I send my resolutions to the table, is to make a few explanatory remarks.

Mr. President, it was solemnly asserted on this floor, some time ago, that all parties in the non-slaveholding States had come to a fixed and solemn determination upon two propositions. One was, that there should be no further admission of any States into this Union which permitted by their constitution the existence of slavery; and the other was, that slavery shall not hereafter exist in any of the Territories of the United States; the effect of which would be to give to the non-slaveholding States the monopoly of the public domain, to the entire exclusion of the slaveholding States. Since that declaration was made, Mr. President, we have abundant proof that there was a satisfactory foundation for it. We have received already solemn resolutions passed by seven of the non-slaveholding States-one-half of the number already in the Union, Iowa not being counted-using the strongest possible language to that effect; and no doubt in a short space of time similar resolutions will be received from all of the non-slaveholding States. But we need not go beyond the walls of Congress. The subject has been agitated in the other House, and they have sent you up a bill "prohibiting the extension of slavery (using their own language) "to any territory which may be acquired by the United States hereafter." At the same time, two resolutions which have been moved to extend the compromise line from the Rocky Mountains to the Pacific, during the present session, have been rejected by a decided majority.

to the former of forty-eight. In the electoral college there are one hundred and sixty-eight votes belonging to the non-slaveholding States, and one hundred and eighteen to the slaveholding, giving a majority of fifty to the non-slaveholding.

We, Mr. President, have at present only one position in the Government, by which we may make any resistance to this aggressive policy which has been declared against the South, or any other that the non-slaveholding States may choose to take. And this equality in this body is of the most transient character. Already Iowa is a State; but, owing to some domestic difficulties, is not yet represented in this body. When she appears here, there will be an addition of two Senators to the representatives here of the non-slaveholding States. Already Wisconsin has passed the initiatory stage, and will be here at next session. This will add two more, making a clear majority of four in this body on the side of the non-slaveholding States, who will thus be enabled to sway every branch of this Government at their will and pleasure. But, sir, if this aggressive policy be followedif the determination of the non-slaveholding States is to be adhered to hereafter, and we are to be entirely excluded from the territories which we already possess, or may possess-if this is to be the fixed policy of the Government, I ask, what will be our situation hereafter?

Sir, there is ample space for twelve or fifteen of the largest description of States in the Territories belonging to the United States. Already a law is in course of passage through the other House creating one north of Wisconsin. There is ample room for another north of Iowa; and another north of that; and then that large Sir, there is no mistaking the signs of the region extending on this side of the Rocky times; and it is high time that the Southern Mountains, from 49 degrees down to the Texan States, the slaveholding States, should inquire line, which may be set down fairly as an area what is now their relative strength in this of twelve and a half degrees of latitude-that Union, and what it will be if this determination extended region of itself is susceptible of having should be carried into effect hereafter. Sir, six, seven, or eight large States. To this, add already we are in a minority-I use the word Oregon, which extends from 49 to 42 degrees, "we," for brevity sake already we are in a which will give four more; and I make a very minority in the other House, in the electoral moderate calculation when I say that, in addicollege, and, I may say, in every department tion to Iowa and Wisconsin, twelve more States of this Government, except at present in the upon the territory already ours-without referSenate of the United States: here, for the presence to any acquisitions from Mexico-may be, ent, we have an equality. Of the twenty-eight States, fourteen are non-slaveholding and fourteen are slaveholding, counting Delaware, which is doubtful, as one of the non-slaveholding States. But this equality of strength exists only in the Senate. One of the clerks, at my request, has furnished me with a statement of what is the relative strength of the two descriptions of States, in the other House of Congress, and in the electoral college. There are two hundred and twenty-eight representatives, including Iowa, which is already repres sented there. Of these, one hundred and thirty-eight are from the non-slaveholding States, and ninety from what are called the

and will be, shortly added to these United States. How will we then stand? There will be but fourteen on the part of the South-we are to be fixed, limited, and forever-and twenty-eight on the part of the non-slaveholding States! Twenty-eight! Double our number! And with the same disproportion in the other House and in the electoral college! The Government, sir, will be entirely in the hands of the non-slaveholding States-overwhelmingly.

Sir, if this state of things is to go on; if this determination, so solemnly made, is to be persisted in-where shall we stand, as far as this Federal Government of ours is concerned?

FEBRUARY, 1847.]

Mr. Calhoun's Slavery Resolutions.

[29TH CONG.

We shall be at the entire mercy of the non- | sive policy-boldly avowed, as if perfectly conslaveholding States. Can we look to their jus- sistent with our institutions and the safety and tice and regard for our interests? Now, I ask, prosperity of the United States!-may be concan we rely on that? Ought we to trust our fronted? Is this a policy consistent with the safety and prosperity to their mercy and sense constitution? No, Mr. President, no! It is, of justice? These are the solemn questions in all its features, daringly opposed to the conwhich I put to this and the other side of the stitution. What is it? Ours is a Federal chamber. Constitution. The States are its constituents, and not the people. The twenty-eight Statesthe twenty-nine States (including Iowa)-stand under this Government as twenty-nine individuals, or as twenty-nine millions of individuals would stand to a consolidated power. It did not look to the prosperity of individuals, as such. No, sir; it was made for higher ends, it was formed that every State as a constituent member of this great Union of ours, should enjoy all its advantages, natural and acquired, with greater security, and enjoy them more perfectly. The whole system is based on justice and equality-perfect equality between the members of this republic. Now can that be consistent with equality which will make this public domain a monopoly on one side-which, in its consequences, would place the whole power in one section of the Union, to be wielded against the other sections of the Union? Is that equality?

Sir, can we find any hope by looking to the past? If we are to look to that-I will not go into the details-we will see from the beginning of this Government to the present day, as far as pecuniary resources are concerned-as far as the disbursement of revenue is involved, it will be found that we have been a portion of the community which has substantially supported this Government, without receiving any thing like a remuneration from it. But why | look to the past-why should I go beyond this very measure itself? Why go beyond this determination on the part of the non-slaveholding States, that there shall be no further addition to the slaveholding States, to prove what our condition will be?

Sir, what is the entire amount of this policy? I will not say that it is so designed. I will not say from what cause it originated. I will not say whether blind fanaticism on one side, whether a hostile feeling to slavery entertained by many not fanatical on the other, has produced it; or whether it has been the work of men, who, looking to political power, have considered the agitation of this question as the most effectual mode of obtaining the spoils of this Government. I look to the fact itself. It is a policy now openly avowed as one to be persisted in. It is a scheme, Mr. President, which aims to monopolize the powers of this Government, and to obtain sole possession of its territories.

Now, I ask, is there any remedy? Does the constitution afford any remedy? And if not, is there any hope? These, Mr. President, are solemn questions-not only to us, but, let me say to gentlemen from the non-slaveholding States, to them. Sir, the day that the balance between the two sections of the country-the slaveholding States and the non-slaveholding States-is destroyed, is a day that will not be far removed from political revolution, anarchy, civil war, and wide-spread disaster. The balance of this system is in the slaveholding States. They are the conservative portion-always have been the conservative portion-always will be the conservative portion; and with a due balance on their part may, for generations to come, uphold this glorious Union of ours. But if this scheme should be carried out-if we are to be reduced to a handful-if we are to become a mere ball to play the presidential game with-to count something in the Baltimore caucus-if this is to be the result-woe, woe, I say to this Union!

How, then, do we stand in reference to this territorial question-this public domain of ours? Why, sir, what is it? It is the common property of the States of this Union. They are called "the territories of the United States." And what are the "United States " but the States united? Sir, these territories are the property of the States united; held jointly for their common use. And is it consistent with justice, is it consistent with equality, that any portion of the partners, outnumbering another portion, shall oust them of this common property of theirs-shall pass any law which shall proscribe the citizens of other portions of the Union from emigrating with their property to the Territories of the United States? Would that be consistent, can it be consistent with the idea of a common property, held jointly for the common benefit of all? Would it be so considered in private life? Would it not be considered the most flagrant outrage in the world, one which any court of equity would restrain by injunction-which any court of law in the world would overrule?

Mr. President, not only is that proposition grossly inconsistent with the constitution, but the other, which undertakes to say that no State shall be admitted into this Union which shall not prohibit by its constitution the existence of slaves, is equally a great outrage against the Constitution of the United States. Sir, I hold it to be a fundamental principle of our political system, that the people have a right to establish what government they may think proper for themselves; that every State about to become a member of this Union has a right Now, sir, I put again the solemn question-to form its own government as it pleases; and Does the constitution afford any remedy? Is that, in order to be admitted, there is but one there any provision in it by which this aggres- qualification, and that is, that the government

shall be republican. There is no express provision to that effect, but it results from that important sanction which guarantees to every State in this Union a republican form of government. Now, sir, what is proposed? It is proposed, from a vague, indefinite, erroneous, and most dangerous conception of private individual liberty, to overrule this great common liberty which the people have of framing their own constitution! Sir, the right of self-government on the part of individuals is not near so easily to be established by any course of reasoning as the right of a community or State to self-government. And yet, sir, there are men of such delicate feeling on the subject of liberty-men who cannot possibly bear what they call slavery in one section of the country -(although not so much slavery, as an institution indispensable for the good of both races) -men so squeamish on this point, that they are ready to strike down the higher right of a community to govern themselves, in order to maintain the absolute right of individuals in every possible condition to govern them

selves!

[FEBRUARY, 1847.

ing to stand by it, let us not refuse to stand by it. It has kept peace for some time, and in the present circumstances, perhaps it would be better to be continued as it is." But it was voted down by an overwhelming majority. It was renewed by a gentleman from a non-slaveholding State, and again voted down by an overwhelming majority.

I see my way in the constitution. I cannot in a compromise. A compromise is but an act of Congress. It may be overruled at any time. It gives us no security. But the constitution is stable. It is a rock. On it we can stand. It is a firm and stable ground, on which we can better stand in opposition to fanaticism, than on the shifting sands of compromise. Let us be done with compromises. Let us go back and stand upon the constitution!

Well, sir, what if the decision of this body shall deny to us this high constitutional right, not the less clear because deduced from the whole body of the instrument and the nature of the subject to which it relates? What, then, is the question? I will not undertake to decide. It is a question for our constituents-the slaveholding States. A solemn and a great question. If the decision should be adverse, I trust and do believe that they will take under solemn consideration what they ought to do. I give no advice. It would be hazardous and dangerous for me to do so. But I may speak as an individual member of that section of the Union. There I drew my first breath. There are all my hopes. There is my family and connections. I am a planter-a cotton planter. I am a southern man and a slaveholder; a kind and a merciful one, I trust-and none the worse for being a slaveholder. I say, for one, I would rather meet any extremity upon earth, than give up one inch of our equality-one inch of what belongs to us as members of this great republic. What! acknowledge inferiority! The surrender of life is nothing to sinking down into acknowledgment of inferiority.

Mr. President, the resolutions that I intend to offer, present, in general terms, these great truths. I propose to present them to the Senate; I propose to have a vote upon them; and I trust there is no gentleman here who will refuse it. It is manly-it is right that such a vote should be given. It is due to our constituents that we should insist upon it; and I, as one, will insist upon it that the sense of this body shall be taken; the body which represents the States in their capacity as communities, and the members of which are to be their special guardians. It is due to them, sir, that there should be a fair expression of what is the sense of this body. Upon that expression much depends. It is the only stand which we can make under the constitution. It is the only position we can take, that will uphold us with any thing like independence-which will give us any chance at all to maintain an equality in this I have examined this subject largely-widely. Union, on those great principles to which II think I see the future if we do not stand up have referred. Overrule these principles, and we are nothing! Preserve them, and we will ever be a respectable portion of the Union.

as we ought. In my humble opinion, in that case, the condition of Ireland is prosperous and happy-the condition of Hindostan is prosperous and happy-the condition of Jamaica is prosperous and happy, to what the Southern States will be if they should not now stand up manfully in defence of their rights.

Mr. President, I desire that the resolutions which I now send to the table be read.

[The resolutions were read as follows:] Resolved, That the territories of the United States

Sir, here let me say a word as to the compromise line. I have always considered it as a great error-highly injurious to the South, because it surrendered, for mere temporary purposes, those high principles of the constitution upon which I think we ought to stand. I am against any compromise line. Yet I would have been willing to acquiesce in a continuance of the Missouri compromise, in order to preserve, under the present trying circumstances, the peace of the Union. One of the resolutions in the House, to that effect, was Resolved, That Congress, as the joint agent and offered at my suggestion. I said to a friend representative of the States of this Union, has no there, "Let us not be disturbers of this Union. right to make any law, or do any act whatsoever, Abhorrent to my feelings as is that compro- that shall directly, or by its effects, make any dismise line, let it be adhered to in good faith; crimination between the States of this Union, by and if the other portions of the Union are will-which any of them shall be deprived of its full and

belong to the several States composing this Union, and are held by them as their joint and common

property.

The Three Million Bill.

equal right in any territory of the United States | South Carolina says he calculated on my supacquired or to be acquired.

Resolved, That it is a fundamental principle in our political creed, that a people, in forming a constitution, have the unconditional right to form and adopt the government which they may think best calculated to secure their liberty, prosperity, and happiness; and that, in conformity thereto, no other condition is imposed by the Federal Constitution on a State, in order to be admitted into this Union, except that its constitution shall be re-morrow, if the Senate was sufficiently full, he publican; and that the imposition of any other by Congress would not only be in violation of the constitution, but in direct conflict with the principle on which our political system rests.