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may do every thing that can have a tendency to divide and distract but nothing that can afford us security, Indeed, Sir, your ministers do not know us. We may not be quite so cunning as they, but we have really more sense, as well as more courage than they have ever been willing to give us credit for; and I am persuaded these acts will rather obstract peace than promote it, and that they will not answer in America the mischievous and malevolent ends for which they were intended. In England they may indeed amuse the public creditors, give hopes and expectations that shall be of some present use, and continue the mis-managers a little longer in their places. Foila tout!

In return for your repeated advice to us not to conclude any treaty with the House of Bourbon, permit me to give (through you) a little advice to the Whigs in England. Let nothing induce them to join with the Tories in supporting and continuing this wicked war against the Whigs of America, whose assistance they may hereafter want to secure their own liberties; or whose country they may be glad to retire to for the enjoyment of them.

66 to

If peace by a treaty with America upon equal terms, were really desired, your Commissioners need not go there for it, supposing, as by the bill they are empowered treat with such person or persons as in their wisdom and discretion they shall think meet," they should happen to conceive that the Commissioners of the Congress at Paris might be included in that description. I am ever, dear Sir, &c.,. B. FRANKLIN. P.S. Seriously, on farther thoughts, I am of opinion, that if wise and honest men, such as Sir George Saville,

the Bishop of St. Asaph, and yourself, were to come over here immediately with powers to treat, you might not only obtain peace with America, but prevent a war with France.

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To MR. HUTTON.

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Pussy, March 24, 1778.

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My dear old friend was in the right not to call in question the sincerity of my words, where I say, February 12, we can treat if any propositions are made to us.” They were true then, and are so still, if Britain has not declared war with France; for in that case we shall undoubtedly think ourselves obliged to continue the war as long as she does. But methinks you should have taken us at our word, and have sent immediately your propositions in order to prevent such a war, if you did not chuse it. Still I conceive it would be well to do it, if you have not already rashly begun the war. Assure yourself nobody more sincerely wishes perpetual peace among men than I do ; but there is a prior wish 2 that they would be equitable and just, otherwise such i peace is not possible, and indeed wicked men have no right to expect it. Adieu! I am ever yours most affectionately, B. FRANKLIN.

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Note from WILLIAM PULTNEY, Esq. M. P. (under the assumed name of Williams.)

Mr. Williams returned this morning to Paris, and will be glad to see Dr. Franklin, whenever it is convenient for the Doctor, at the Hotel Frasiliere, Rue Tournou. It is near the hotel where he lodged when the Doctor saw him a fortnight ago. He does not propose

· Dr. Shipley.

to go abroad, and therefore the Doctor will find him at any hour. He understands that Mr. Alexander is not yet. returned from Dijon, which he regrets. y malde

Sunday Morning, March 29, 1778.

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[The following Letter to Mr. Pultney, was not sent, but 3 contains what was said in a Conversation Dr. Franklin had with him in Paris.lt nodesup or do oð

SIR,

TO WILLIAM PULTNEY, ESQ.

Passy, March 30, 1778.

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When I first had the honour of conversing. with you on the subject of peace, I mentioned it as my opinion that every proposition which implied our volun-d tarily agreeing to return to a dependence on Britain was now become impossible; that a peace on equal terms undoubtedly might be made; and that though we had no particular powers to treat of peace with England, we had general powers, to make treaties of peace, amity, and com merce, with any state in Europe, by which I thought we might be authorized to treat with Britain, who, if sine 1 cerely disposed to peace, might save time and much blood! shed by treating with us directly.

I also gave it as my opinion, that in the treaty to be made, Britain should endeavour by the fairness and generosity of the terms she offered, to recover the esteem, confidence, and affection of America, without which the peace could not be so beneficial, as it was not likely to be lasting. In this I had the pleasure to find you of my opinion.

But I see by the propositions you have communicated to me, that the ministers cannot yet divest themselves of

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the idea, that the power of parliament over us is constitutionally absolute and unlimited; and that the limitations they may be willing now to put to it by treaty, are so many favours, or so many benefits for which we are to make compensation.

As our opinions in America are totally different, a treaty on the terms proposed, appears to me utterly impracticable either here or there. Here we certainly cannot make it, having not the smallest authority to make even the declaration specified in the proposed letter, without which, if I understood you right, treating with us cannot be commenced.

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I sincerely wish as much for peace as you do, and I have enough remaining of good will for England to wish it for her sake as well as for our own, and for the sake of humanity. In the present state of things, the proper means of obtaining it, in my opinion, are to acknowledge the independence of the United States, and then enter at once into a treaty with us for a suspension of arms, with the usual provisions relating to distances; and another for establishing peace, friendship, and commerce, such as France has made. This might prevent a war between you and that kingdom, which in the present circumstances and temper of the two nations an accident may bring on every day, though contrary to the interest and without the previous intention of either. Such a treaty we might probably now make with the approbation of our friends; but if you go to war with them on account of their friendship for us, we are bound by ties, stronger than can be formed by any treaty, to fight against you with them, as long as the war against them shall continue.

May God at last grant that wisdom to your national

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councils, which he seems long to have denied them, and which only sincere, just, and humane intentions can merit or expect. With great personal esteem, I have the honour to be, Sir, &c. B. FRANKLIN.

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* FROM WM. ALEXANDER, ESO. TO DR. FRANKLIN. rógora euret

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MY DEAR SIR,

St Jon

Upon a night's reflection it is thought right that you be possessed of the inclosed, to be afterwards returned without taking copy, in case no business be done. Will you let me know by the bearer, if we are to see you in town to-day, and when, that I may be at hand?,

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Saturday morning, April 4, 1778.

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7 TO DR. BANCROFT, ES R. S. LONDON. DEAR SIR, feta troPassy, April 16, 1778.

I wish you would assure our friend, that Dr.

Franklin never gave any such expectations to Mr. Pult

ney. On the contrary, he

sioners could not succeed in

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their mission, whether they

went to recover the dependence or to divide. His opinion

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is confirmed by the inclosed resolves, which perhaps it may not be amiss to publish in England. Please to send me the newspaper. Yours affectionately,

B. FRANKLIN.

Some proposals on the part of the British ministry, eventually disapproved of by Dr. Franklin, and returned.

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2 An American gentleman of great worth and abilities; intimate and much respected friend of Dr. Franklin's, to whom the United States are greatly indebted for his exertion and assistance in the cause of their independence.

VOL. II.

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