induce you under the present infirmity of your lower limbs, to deny yourself the necessary comfort of an easy carriage, rather than make any use of the public assistance, when the public must be in your debt. I beg you would get over that difficulty and take of me what you may have occasion for.

The letter you forwarded to me, was from America's constant friend the good Bishop of St. Asaph. He speaks of you in terms of the highest esteem and respect.

Mr. Oswald is gone back to London, but intended to return immediately. Mr. Grenville remains here, and has received power to treat, but no farther steps can be taken till Spain and Holland have impowered ministers for the same purpose. I shall inform you and Mr. Adams (if he does not come) of the proceedings from time to time, and request your counsels in case of any difficulty.

I hope you will not think of hazarding a return to America, before a peace, if we find any hopes of its being soon obtained. And that if you do not find you can be useful in the manner you wish in Holland you will make me happy by your company and counsels here.

With great and sincere esteem, I have the honour tọ be, Sir, &c. &c, B. FRANKLIN.

May 26, I received the following from Mr. Hartley.

FROM DAVID HARTLEY, Esq. M. P. TO DR, FRANKLIN.

MY DEAR FRIEND, London, May 13, 1782.

I writ to you a long letter dated May 1, 1782, by Mr. Laurens who left London on Saturday last, but I will add a few lines now by a conveyance which will I be

lieve overtake him, just to tell you two or three things which I believe I omitted in my last. Perhaps they may not be of any consequence, but as they relate to my own conduct I would wish to have you understand them. After several conferences with the late ministry I gave in the paper called the breviate on the 7th of February; but I never received any answer from them. They resigned on the 20th of March. Upon the accession of the new ministry I heard nothing from them upon the subject; nor did I apply to them. I did not know whether that paper would not come into their hands by succession, and I doubted whether it might not be more proper for me to wait till I heard from them. While I remained doubtful about this, I received your letters which determined me to go to Lord Shelburne. (This was about the beginning of the present month.) I communicated to him some extracts such as those about the prisoners, &c., and likewise the whole of your letter of the 13th of April, containing the offer of the late ministry, the King of France's answer, together with your reflections on the conclusion respecting peace. As you had given me a general permission I left with him a copy of the whole letter. Upon the occasion of this interview Lord Shelburne told me that he had made much enquiry in the offices for the correspondences and papers which had passed between the late ministry and me, but that he could not meet with them. He expressed a regret that he had not conversed with me at an earlier day; with many civilities of that kind. In short I had been backward to intrude myself, and he expressed regret that he had not sent to me. Upon this opening on his part, I stated to him the substance of what had passed between the late ministry and myself, and I left a copy of the Bre

viate with him. He gave me a very attentive audience, and I took that opportunity of stating my sentiments to him, as far as I could, upon every view of the question. Upon his expressing regret that he had not seen me sooner, I told him that I always had been, and always should be, most ready to give any assistance in my power towards the work of peace. I say the same to you. I do not believe that there is any difference in sentiment between you and me personally, in our own minds upon independence, &c. &c. But we belong to different communities, and the right of judgment or of consent and dissent is vested in the community. Divide independence into six millions of shares, and you should have been heartily welcome to my share from the very beginning of the war. Divide Canada into six millions of shares, I could find a better method of disposing of my share, than by offering it to France to abandon America. Divide the rock of Gibraltar into six millions of pieces, I can only answer for one portion. Let reason and equity decide in any such case, as universal umpires between contending parties, and those who wish well to the permanent peace of mankind, will not refuse to give and to receive equal justice.

I agree with you, that the equitable and philosophical principles of politics can alone form a solid foundation of permanent peace, and that the contraries to them, though highly patronized by nations themselves, and their ministers, are no better than vulgar errors. But nations are slow to conviction from the personal arguments of individuals. They are "jealous in honour, seeking that bubble • reputation even in the cannon's mouth." But until a confirmed Millennium founded upon wiser principles shall be generally established, the reputation of nations is not

merely a bubble. It forms their real security. To apply this all in one word, let all nations agree with one accord to beat their swords into plough-shares, and their spears into pruning hooks-or-give me wooden walls to Great Britain. I have nothing farther to add. My reason for writing this was just to communicate to you, in what position I had delivered over my conference and arguments with the late ministry into the hands of the present. And I will conclude with your own words: may God send us all more wisdom. I am ever most affectionately yours, D. HARTLEY.

P. S. "May 17, 1782. Since writing the above, I have likewise left a copy of the enclosed preliminaries with Lord Shelburne."

PRELIMINARIES.

May, 1782.

1. "That the British troops shall be withdrawn from the thirteen provinces of North America, and a truce made between Great Britain and the said provinces, for

years. (Suppose ten or twenty years.)

2. "That a negociation for peace shall bonâ fide be opened between Great Britain and the allies of Americą.

S" If the proposed negociation between Great Britain and the allies of America, should not succeed so far as to produce peace, but that war should continue between the said parties, that America should act and be treated as a neutral nation..

4. "That whenever peace shall take place between Great Britain and the allies of America, the truce between Great

Britain and America shall be converted into a perpetual peace. The independence of America shall be admitted and guaranteed by Great Britain, and a commercial treaty settled between them.

5. "That these propositions shall be made to the court of France for communication to the American commissioners, and for an answer to the court of Great Britain."

The same day Mr. Grenville visited me. He acquainted me that his courier was returned, and had brought him full powers to treat for a peace with France and her allies. That he had been to Versailles and had shown his power to M. de Vergennes, and left a copy with him. That he had also a letter of credence which he was not to deliver 'till France should think fit to send a minister of the same kind to London; that M. de Vergennes had told him he would lay it before the King, and had desired to see him again on Wednesday. That Mr. Oswald had arrived in London about an hour before the courier came away. That Mr. Fox in his letter had charged him to thank me for that which I had written, and to tell me he hoped I would never forget that he and I were of the same country. I answered that I should always esteem it an honour to be owned as a countryman by Mr. Fox. He had requested at our last interview that if I saw no impropriety in doing it, I would favor him with a sight of the treaty of alliance between France and America. I acquainted him that it was printed, but if he could not readily meet with a copy, I would have one written for him. And as he had not been able to find one, I this day gave it to him. He lent me a London Gazette, containing Admiral Rodney's account of his victory over M. de Grasse,