assured that I have and shall continue to enforce every argument in the most conciliatory manner to induce a negoStation. I am very sorry for Mr. A.'s confinement on his own account, and on that of his friends, and because probably in the future state of this business, his personal exertions may be very serviceable in the cause of peace. Every assistance and every exertion of mine will always be most heartily devoted to that cause. I have nothing farther to add, either upon my own reflections or from my subsequent conversations with Mr. A. to what I have stated in the foregoing letter. If we once make a good beginning upon the plan there stated, I should hope that such a negociation, founded on such principles, would promise fair to produce every salutary and pacific consequence in the event.

JOV

I received a few days since your favour of the 2d instant, in which you tell me, that Mr. Alexander had informed you "America was disposed to enter into a separate treaty with Great Britain." I am persuaded that your strong desire for peace has misled you, and occasioned your greatly misunderstanding Mr. Alexander, as I think it scarce possible he should have asserted a thing so utterly void of foundation. I remember that you have, as you say, often urged this on former occasions, and that it always gave me more disgust than my friendship for you permitted me to express. But since you have now gone so far as to carry such a proposition to

Lord North, as arising from us, it is necessary that I should be explicit with you, and tell you plainly, that I never had such an idea, and I believe there is not a man in America, a few English Tories excepted, that would not spurn at the thought of deserting a noble and generous friend for the sake of a truce with an unjust and cruel enemy. I have again read over your Conciliatory Bill, with the manuscript propositions that accompany it; and am concerned to find that one cannot give vent to a simple wish for peace, a mere sentiment of humanity, without having it interpreted as a disposition to submit to any base conditions that may be offered us rather than continue the war: for, on no other supposition could you propose to us a truce of ten years, during which we are to engage not to assist France while you continue the war with her. A truce too wherein nothing is to be mentioned that may weaken your pretensions to dominion over us, which you may therefore resume at the end of the term or at pleasure; when we have so covered ourselves with infamy by our treachery to our first friend, as that no other nation after be disposed to assist us, how cruelly soever you might think fit to treat us. Believe me, my dear friend, America has too much understanding and is too sensible of the value of the world's good opinion to forfeit it all by such perfidy. The Congress will never instruct their Commissioners to obtain a peace on such ignominious terms; and though there can be but few things in which I should venture to disobey their orders, yet if it were possible for them to give me such an order as this, I should certainly refuse to act, I should instantly renounce their commission and banish myself for ever from so infamous a country.

can ever

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We are a little ambitious too of your esteem; and as think we have acquired some share of it, by our manner of making war with you, I trust we shall not hazard the loss of it by consenting meanly to a dishonourable peace.

Lord North was wise in demanding of you some authorized persons. He justly thought it too improbable to be relied on, so as to lay it before the privy council. You can now inform him that the whole has been a mistake, and that no such proposition as that of a separate peace has been, is, or is ever likely to be made by me, and I believe by no other authorized person whatever in behalf of America. You may farther, if you please, inform his Lordship, that Mr. Adams, Mr. Laurens, Mr. Jay and myself, have long since been empowered by a special commission to treat of peace, whenever a negociation shall be opened for that purpose: but it must always be understood that this is to be in conjunction with our allies, conformably to the solemn treaties made with them.

You have, my dear friend, a strong desire to promote peace, and it is a most laudable and virtuous desire. Permit me then to wish that you would, in order to succeed as a mediator, avoid such invidious expressions as may have an effect in preventing your purpose. You tell me that no stipulation for our independence must be in the treaty, because you "verily believe (so deep is the jealousy between England and France) that England would fight for a straw to the last man and the last shilling, rather than be dictated to by France." And again, that, "the nation would proceed to every extremity rather than be brought to a formal recognition of independence at the haughty command of France." My dear Sir, if every proposition of terms for peace that may be made by one

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of the parties at war is to be called and considered by the other as dictating, and a haughty command, and for that reason rejected with a resolution of fighting to the last man rather than agree to it, you see that in such case no treaty of peace is possible. In fact we began the war for independence on your government, which we found tyrannical, and this before France had any thing to do with our affairs; the article in our treaty whereby the "two parties engage that neither of them shall conclude either truce or peace with Great Britain without the formal consent of the other first obtained; and mutually engage not to lay down their arms until the independence of the United States shall have been formally or tacitly assured by the treaty or treaties that shall terminate the war," was an article inserted at our instance, being in our favour. And you see by the article itself, that your great difficulty may be easily got over, as a formal acknowledgment of our independence is not made necessary. But we hope by God's help to enjoy it, and I suppose we shall fight for it as long as we are able. I do not make any remarks on the other propositions, because I think that unless they were made by authority, the discussion of them is unnecessary and may be inconvenient. The supposition of our being disposed to make a separate peace, I could not be silent upon, as it materially affected our reputation and essential interests. If I have been a little warm on that offensive point, reflect on your repeatedly urging it, and endeavour to excuse me. Whatever may be the fate of our poor countries, let you and I die as we have lived, in peace with each other. Assuredly I continue with great and sincere esteem, my dear friend, yours most affectionately, B. FRANKLIN,

"

..e vo yuush ng 1*t ons as 4*rfly FROM D. HARTLEY, ESQ. M. P. TO DR. FRANKLIN.

MY DEAR SIR,

211 し

London, Jan. 24, 1782.

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› I received yours of the 15th instant, this day. I must take the earliest opportunity of setting you right in one mistake, which runs through your whole letter, and which to you, under that mistake, must be a very delicate point. You seem to apprehend that America has been stated in the proposition to Lord North, as "disposed to enter into a separate treaty with Great Britain;" but you omit the condition; viz. in the words immediately following,off and that their allies were disposed to consent to it." There cannot possibly be any supposition of treachery to allies, in any proposition to which they may consentas A separate treaty with the consent of the allies of America, was the proposition communicated to me by Mr. Alexander, and which I laid before the minister, and which I reported back again to Mr. Alexander, in writing, when I shewed him the paper entitled "Conciliatory Propositions," which, I took care to reduce to writing, with a view of avoiding mistakes: therefore I have not misunderstood Mr. Alexander. I have, since seen Mr. A. many times, and he has always stated one and the same proposition, viz. that America was disposed to enter into a separate treaty because their allies were disposed to consent that they should. Therefore there cannot exist a suspicion of treachery. It occurred to me once whilst I was writing, to bar against that misconstruction: but, having specified the consent of the allies of America, in the same sentence, I could not conceive such a misconstruction to have been possible. You have

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