95 32 - Letter of the Committee of the Baptist Union, to the Board of the Trien- 107 - Letter from R. G. Williams, New York Letter of Arthur Tappan, Esq., of New York, to George Thompson, Esq 265 114 205 Liberty American 55 Slave-holding Christians, A Bye-stander's estimate of - State of Society in Antigua, the effect of complete Emancipation Statistic of the United States' Slave Population - Strength of Prejudice 303 91 10 69 Slavery in America. No. XIV. AUGUST, 1837 APOLOGY FOR SLAVEHOLDING. FROM the merited abhorrence with which the entire system of slavery is viewed in this country, it is to many persons a matter perplexing beyond conception, how any Christian, can be brought to adopt or justify such a species of cruelty and wrong. No man, acquainted with the workings of the human mind, but will be ready to concede, that there must be some process of reasoning by which even the slave-dealer and the man-thief justifies his conduct to himself. Habitually to violate his conscience is what no man can do for any length of time. It would be a source of torment to him more than sufficient to counterbalance all the gains of injustice, or the sweets of arbitrary power. It would be to arm a fiend within him whose voice would antedate the misery of the damned. There must be a process, however hollow and delusive it may be, by which the abettors of this system justify it to themselves; and more especially is this evident, when we recollect the length of time, and the extent of country, in which it has been practised; and that it has been but very recently that any general and open demonstration of public feeling has been exhibited against it. Even at the present moment, the active opponents of slavery form but a small proportion of the people of the north; and in the south, scarcely such a man is to be found; and those who are there, dare not open their lips on the subject. It appears, therefore, only an act of justice, that we should devote a page or two of our work to permit so large a class of professing Christians, ministers of the gospel, officers of Christian churches, and indeed more than one-half of the entire professing population of America, to justify themselves, in their own language, before, their fellow-Christians in other parts of the world. This R R we will now permit them to do; and, moreover, we will bespeak them a careful and candid consideration on the part of our readers; and we will not prejudice their cause by any animadversions of our own, either by way of prologue or epilogue, but leave their own statements to make their own impression. The first of the following papers is from the pen of the Rev. Mr. PLUMER, a leading minister of the Presbyterian denomination, apparently written in his official capacity, and obviously intended to embody the statements of that body of Christians with which he stands connected. MR. PLUMER'S REASONS, Before the Presbyterian Convention at Philadelphia, for leaving the Subject of Slavery untouched. 1. When the compact, under which the General Assembly has attained to its present importance, was formed, every presbytery entering into the agreement (with not more than one exception, if indeed there was one) existed in a state under whose laws domestic slavery was established. It is incredible that in that compact it was ever contemplated to censure what was a common practice in nearly or quite all our presbyteries. Our first reason therefore is, that such action would be unconstitutional, and therefore wrong. 2. All such action is contrary to the example and teachings of Christ and his apostles. It is not even pretended that they ever moved the question of the lawfulness of slavery. On the contrary, all they say on the subject is soothing to every feeling of asperity or jealousy or distrust, either in master or slave. 3. It is impossible to enter on the subject without immediately interfering with the politics of the land. No question now before the American people is more intermingled with political interests and parties and legislation than is this. It is confessed that to agitate the subject of the basis of representation in any of our state legislatures, would justly clothe this body and the whole of the Presbyterian church with odium and suspicion. We know full well, however, that the foregoing subject might be far more safely discussed here, than that whose introduction we wish to prevent. Either of the foregoing reasons would fix our purposes on this subject. But we have other reasons which tend greatly to strengthen our determination, such as, 4. That any action on this subject not asked for by us, necessarily proceeds upon a heavy indictment against the morality of the people of the slave-holding states. It immediately arraigns us as guilty, and puts us upon our defence. The people most concerned in the question of slavery, ought to be the party wishing for action. But we have never asked for any thing to be done by the Assembly on this subject. If there be any immorality in the manner of holding slaves under the laws or contrary to the laws of any state, the church session or the presbytery is the proper court in which to commence process, and not the Assembly, which is the court of final judicature. We utterly refuse to be accused or tried en masse for any thing. 5. The men most ready and prominent in agitating the subject were, in Paul's time, men who knew little or nothing of it, but raved about questions. We have no reason to believe that human nature is changed for the better, and we do believe that if those who now agitate the subject, understood it, they would immediately desist. Apology for Slaveholding. 307 6. We would be basely recreant to our own good and that of our servants, if we should meet to discuss this subject any where, and especially out of the bounds of our respective states. We mean to govern and control under our awful responsibility to God alone, both our children and our servants, and do for them that which we believe to be most for their and our benefit, without for a moment tolerating any interference with our domestic relations. 7. We testify what we do know, that nought but evil, pure, unmixed and dreadful evil, has resulted to bond and free, black and white, throughout all the slaveholding states, from the excitement which has prevailed on the subject out of those states, and we are determined not to increase evils already so distressing. 8. All that we, who reside in the slaveholding states, say and do on the whole subject is habitually so perverted, and our motives are so misrepresented, that we think it best to avoid all discussion and action, except such as may be necessary for self-defence. Even were it proper at any time to say or do aught on the subject, the public mind is now ill prepared to receive, in a good temper, any thing that may come from us or from any other quarter on the subject. 9. In a delegated body as large as the Assembly there will always be some who will avail themselves of the opportunity, which discussion preceding other action affords, to make irritating and insulting speeches. Feeling no direct or immediate responsibility to those who are peculiarly aggrieved by such remarks, they will even be wanton and cruel. We have no idea of needlessly permitting ourselves to be placed in a situation so unpleasant. 10. Should the Assembly, after discussion, pass any vote on the subject, even by a large majority, nobody will be bound by such vote except so far as it may favor their peculiar views. Consequently, a battle fought one year will be renewed the next, until the meeting of this body shall be the grand anniversary for biting and devouring one another. Our wish is to leave off contention before it be meddled with—to quit quarrelling before we begin it, inasmuch as strife always goes hand in hand with every evil work. 11. Every concession, which for the sake of peace and union we may at any time have made, has been grossly misconstrued into a consciousness of guilt, a confession that we had a bad cause. We have no doubt that such would be the abuse of any concession which we might now make. We wish it fully understood that we have nothing whatever to concede on any branch of the subject. 12. To admit any action on the subject would render us ridiculous in the eyes of those who have no interest in the general subject, contemptible in the eyes of our enemies, and odious to our own dear people and fellow-citizens of the slaveholding states. 13. We foresee very great evils which must arise unless this whole subject be immediately put to rest. For ourselves, we are determined to avoid these evils. The agitators of this subject will unquestionably overrun some portion of our land with incalculable calamities unless speedily checked; and we, in common with all our fellow-citizens in the South, are determined that our respective sections of the land shall not be the field of ruin. If calamity must come, it shall be to those portions of the land. where good men, professing neutrality and lacking firmness to resist the torrent, have let in the overflowing scourge. 14. Any discussion not miserably tame, however cool, kind, scriptural, and defensive it might be on our part, would necessarily inflame passions already |