the Union under the Lecompton Constitution, which elicited a warm debate. On the 23d of March Mr. Crittenden offered as a substitute, a bill admitting Kansas with the condition precedent, that the Lecompton Constitution be submitted to the people of the Territory and properly ratified by them; in case it should be rejected, then they were empowered to make one to suit themselves. This substitute

was lost by 24 yeas to 34 nays, and upon the same day the original bill slightly amended was passed by 33 yeas to 25 nays. Upon going to the House this bill was amended by striking out all after the enacting ciause and inserting the substitute of Mr. Crittenden, and passed by a vote of 120 yeas to 112 nays. The Senate refused to concur in this amendment, and called for a Committee of Conference with the House; to which the latter, after some parliamentary maneuvering, agreed. Upon this Committee the Senate appointed Messrs. Green, Hunter and Seward; the House, Messrs. English, Stephens and Howard. Their report, from which Seward and Howard dissented, recommended a substitute for the amendment of the House what was generally known as the English bill. Their recommendation was acquiesced, in April 30, 1858, by both branches of Congress, by a vote of 112 to 103 in the House, and 31 to 22 in the Senate-a clear pro-slavery majority.

The English bill provided for the admission of Kansas under the Lecompton Constitution, upon the condition precedent, that the said constitution, at a fair and full election, held for that purpose, should be ratified by the people of Kansas. In case of its ratification the President should so announce the fact and promulgate the admission of the State by proclamation; in case the constitution should be rejected by the people, it should "be deemed and held that the people of Kansas do not desire admission into the Union with said constitution and the conditions of said proposition; in which event the people of Kansas are empowered to form for themselves a Constitution and State Govern

ment, and may elect delegates for that purpose, whenever, and not before it is ascertained by a census, duly and legally taken, that the population of said Territory equals the ratio of representation required for a member of the House of Representatives, (93,560), and whenever thereafter such delegates shall assemble in convention, they shall first determine by a vote whether it is the wish of the proposed State to be admitted into the Union at that time, and if so, shall proceed to form a constitution."

This bill contained a proposition from Congress, in the way of large land grants in case the constitution should be accepted, which had all the appearance of a bribe to the people. Sections 16 and 36, of each township, seventy-two sections for a State University, ten sections to pay for public buildings, amounting in all to 5,500,000 acres of land, would be thus donated to the State. Besides this enormous bequest, the State should have all salt springs within her boundary, not exceeding twelve in number, and six sections. of land for each, and five per cent. of proceeds arising from sales of public lands for the construction of State roads.

This was a scandalous proposition to the people of Kansas. Having failed to force the constitution upon the new State by fraud, they attempted to secure its success by the offer of a magnificent bribe, and by rendering it almost impossible for the State to be otherwise speedily admitted.

Every means was employed in Congress to force the Lecompton Constitution through. Money and office were freely offered to induce members to favor it, while proscription from the Democratic ranks, and ousting from office, was threatened those who should oppose it. It had its birth-place at Washington, in corruption, and when it returned to the place of its nativity, was zealously cared for in a characteristic manner. The hideous corruption and foulness of the Lecompton Constitution, was frightfully revealed in the investigation ordered by Congress, in 1860, under Judge Covode. The following is the summary of

the Committee's report, with reference to the Lecompton

measure:

"Your committee first direct the attention of the House to that portion of the testimony which relates to the Kansas policy of the present Administration of the government. The patriot will mourn, the historian will pause with astonishment, over this shameless record. Accustomed as the American people are to the errors and crimes of those in power, they will read this exposure with feelings of unmingled indignation. The facts revealed by the testimony prove conclusively

"1. The emphatic and unmistakable pledges of the President, as well before as after his election, and the pledges of all his cabinet to the doctrine of leaving the people of Kansas 'perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way.'

"2. The deliberate violation of this pledge, and the attempt to convert Kansas into a slave State by means of forgeries, frauds and force.

"3. The removal of and the attempt to disgrace the sworn agents of the Administration, who refused to violate this pledge.

"4. The open employment of money in the passage of the Lecompton and English bills through the Congress of the United States.

"5. The admission of the parties engaged in the work of electioneering those schemes, that they received enormous sums for this purpose, and proof in the checks upon which they were paid by an agent of the Administration.

6. The offer to purchase newspapers and newspaper editors by offers of extravagant sums of money.

"7. And finally, the proscription of Democrats of high standing, who would not support the Lecompton and English bills."

CHAPTER XLIV.

LEGISLATURES.

At the same time that the free state men voted upon the constitution, an election was held for State officers and members of the Legislature, preparatory to the admission of Kansas as a State, according to the provisions of the Lecompton Constitutional Convention.

The pro-slavery men, under the specious name of Democracy, assembled in convention at Lecompton on the 7th of December, for the purpose of nominating candidates to the State offices. Much confusion prevailed in their ranks and a large number withdrew from the convention. They adopted resolutions endorsing the Lecompton Constitutional Convention, denouncing Governor Walker and Secretary Stanton, lauding Buchanan and reaffirming their adherence to the platform laid down by their party in January, 1857. They declared "that prior to the advent of Walker and Stanton in our midst, the Democracy of the Territory were united and harmonizing;" that "since their arrival all their efforts have been directed to serving disunion in our ranks with a view to further their own ambitious schemes." The following ticket was nominated: Governor, F. J. Marshall, of Marshall County; Lieutenant Governor, William G. Mathias, of Leavenworth; Secretary of State, W. T. Spicely, of Douglas County; Auditor, Blake Little, of Bourbon County; Treasurer, T. J. B. Cramer, of Douglas County; Congress, Joseph P. Carr, of Atchison.

It was a question of considerable discussion among the free state men, "Should they contest the election?" In case the Territory should be admitted into the Union as a State by Congress, it would leave the successful party at the election in control of the State Government for the next four years beyond all legal remedy. On the other hand it was extremely odious and humiliating to so far recognize the Lecompton swindle as to vote under its appointment and control.

A delegate convention, called and assembled at Lawrence, on the 2d of December, for the purpose of considering this question, declared, "this election a crime and a misdemeanor against the peace of the Territory and the will of the majority;" that they re-endorse the Topeka Constitutian and that after it receives the sanction of the people at an election appointed by the present Legislature, they "will maintain it against all opposition."

The design in calling this convention was to determine whether free state men should vote at the State election about to be held; but as the Governor had, between the calling and the assembling of the convention, issued his proclamation convening the Legislature in extra session, when the delegates met, they hoped that the Legislature might find a remedy to relieve their present embarrassment and danger and, hence, they adjourned without taking any decisive action upon the subject. It was manifest, however, that a majority were opposed to voting at the January election.

But the Legislature having assembled and found itself utterly unable to remove the difficulties, at the call of the Chairman of the Territorial Executive Committee the free state convention again convened on the 23d of the same month and for the same purpose as on the former occasion. It remained in session two days, during which time the discussion was interesting and lively. The vote was taken on the second day in reference to participating in the coming