well-defined, carefully prepared, and honestly kept policy for Indian affairs.

Not only have they failed to meet the question with a broad, statesmanlike policy, but they have time and again neglected to provide means for the fulfilment of the most solemn treaties; and, frequently, in the case of ordinary annual appropriations, have been so dilatory as to cause great distress, sometimes actual and prolonged suffering, for want of food.

In the case of the Sioux and others, it has been shown that Congress (having fraudulently altered a treaty requiring fifty annual payments of $50,000 by inserting ten annual payments, without the knowledge or consent of the Indians) caused a disgraceful and bloody war by refusing to continue the stipulated annual payments, whereby many lives were lost and over thirty millions wasted.

In other words, Congress deliberately endeavored to cheat these Indians out of $2,000,000, and squandered over fifteen times that sum in the scandalous attempt!

When Congress passes from the position of criminal neglect, its acts are often worse than its omissions. Its ill-judged, illtimed parsimony, and its piddling penuriousness, have, on other occasions, directly or indirectly, resulted in wasteful expenditure of blood and treasure. It has been successful only in accumulating a record without parallel in modern civilization for its heartless infamy.

Most of the session of Congress is spent in the merest details of necessary current legislation and partisan manœuvres, and the little time which is left, is generally consumed in dull iteration of inane platitudes about finances, or the tariff, or some other subject upon which the speakers are equally uninformed.

During the last four years the principal sign of Congressional activity has been in a persistent effort to pass the Oklahama Territory Bill, and the attempt to turn the Indians over to the War Department on the extermination theory. These are twin measures intended to open the Indian territory to railroads, and generally, to the civilizing influences of frontier life.

Both schemes are unanimously opposed by the 60,000 self

governing, civilized Indians, who inhabit the territory, and would be crowning infamies.

The most notable men in Congress have their time full of their own aspirations and the exactions of party leadership, and when one comes to consider the "routine Congressman" it will be seen what an immense propulsion from without it will take to enforce an honest, as well as a live, Indian policy.

THE ROUTINE CONGRESSMAN.

He is, in many respects, unique.

As a political molecule, he is sui generis.

His like has never existed anywhere else, either in ancient or modern times.

No other representative Government, past or present, has produced his counterpart.

In knowing this he need not feel proud, nor need his constituents.

His peculiar constitution is owing to himself and to his surroundings.

Of himself, consider what he is not as well as what he is. He is not positively bad; indeed, he is positively nothing. His points are mainly negations.

Fortunately, he is not rash.

His worst enemy will freely acquit him of this imputation. His professional training, such as it is, has had this effect, that, be he never so radical on a party question, he is essentially timid about changes in the Constitution and the laws.

Thus, the country has escaped the wild schemes of the doctrinaires.

This is owing to the education of the common law, for this same class of lawyers in France having no such conservative influence and being carried away by the crudities of the " Contrat Social," became the most pestiferous element in the French Revolution.

This routine representative is disposed to consider whatever is, is right. Many other things he is not.

What he is, makes it important to consider him here.

The great role of the "routine member," in fact his principal employment, is to maintain a political "intelligence bureau" for the benefit of such of his "workers" as desire to live without work.

The number and variety of "strong letters" he can write, urging the peculiar fitness of A, B or C, for this, that or the other post, are equally a pleasant surprise to the happy candidates, and a terror to their official recipient.

As a guide for visiting constituents, he is also a success.

The members of other representative bodies have no patronage, and as a rule no individual schemes.

They simply vote on drafts of laws prepared and submitted by the ministry.

But the routine Congressman occupies no such limited sphere. Although most of his legislative hours are passed in considering appropriations, investigations and other current matters, with occasional partisan bills, he is in his happiest mood when he is rid of all this, and when he is indeed a legislator. Then, free from the prejudices of the dead past (often knowing nothing of it), and, having caught the Speaker's eye, he calls up his "measure."

He never proposes a bill or an act, it is always a or a project."

"measure"

Every man is his own premier, frames his own laws, rïdes his own legislative hobbies, and ventilates his crammings from encyclopædias and newspaper clippings.

By and by this "effort" appears in the member's district under his frank.

This is his "record."

There is one encouraging feature about him.

It is this outside of partizanship and law he has no very strong convictions, and will take kindly to yours, reader, if you sufficiently impress him with your earnestness.

This is the key of the situation.

It will not be so much aggressive opposition, as quiet indifference, or a dogged unreasoning belief that nothing can be done for the Indian race, that will have to be contended with.

The question is-how can a public sentiment be developed in favor of the proposed policy, and be made to impress itself forcibly and successfully on Congress?

The immediate objective point is this-to have Congress formally, by resolution, adopt a declaration of principles for the future government of Indian affairs, embracing the views here advocated.

These once declared by an overwhelming voice to be the fixed unalterable policy of the Government, current legislation would from year to year be in harmony therewith.

AGITATION.

Having discussed the proposed plan, it remains to be considered what must be done to secure its adoption, development and enforcement by the Government.

This can only be accomplished by systematic agitation.
Concert of action is essential.

This requires unity of interest to a sufficient degree to preserve organization, and produce aggressive movement.

For this reason local Indian Peace Societies could not, at least now, be made effective.

The interest in the subject is too slight, too merely passive or assenting. The difficulty of association is so great, the evil so remote and unseen, and the purpose so wholly foreign to the concerns of every-day life, that such societies now would be inefficient.

MACHINERY.

To overcome this difficulty, comprehensive machinery of agitation is required. What shall it be, and how shall it be managed?

For the rapid propagation of any plan of moral improvement, machinery is quite as necessary as it is in politics. As to politics, a great deal of unmeaning twaddle is indulged in by inconsequential dreamers about the "political machine.”

But the fact remains, that it is indispensable.

There is nothing wrong about the machine per se, the trouble is with the men who control it. The political machine proper is identical in both parties, and in all parts of the Union.

Having National and State organizations, and the latter being sub-divided into county, township, ward and division committees, the machine is admirably adapted to the purpose for which it was brought into existence, viz: to marshal political thought into concerted aggressive action.

Those who affect to denounce political machines, invariably