ter. It occurring to us that tangible evidence might exist, on this head, which it would be proper to make public, we addressed the gentleman on whom principally devolved the charge of entertaining Mr. Lee, during his visit to Monticello. He remembered having received letters from Mr. Lee, and on search found two, copies of which he placed at our disposal. The first was as follows:

Henry Lee to N. P. Trist.

DEAR SIR: You are probably aware that my late visit to Monticello grew out of a correspondence I had the honor to hold with Mr. Jefferson, and was intended to verify and illustrate the principal public facts to which that correspondence related. You are but too well acquainted with the melancholy cause of my disappointment and that Providence had already determined to seal those hallowed lips from which I was to receive inspiration. Now that the illustrious patriot has ceased to live among the sons of men, and has attained a stage of existence as immortal as his own glory, a sentiment of more awful reverence and still more pious attachment devotes me to his memory, than actuated me towards his person and character. The utmost justice I am determined to do him, in the case produced by the republication of my father's Memoirs (now in the press), and to that end must publish our correspondence, as my letters will illustrate his, and his will vindicate him better than anything that I could possibly compose. His principal letter is in answer to two of mine, one of the 3d and one of the 9th of May last. Of that of the 9th, I retained a copyor rather composed one from memory; of that of the 3d, I have no copy. The object of this letter is to get a copy of it, and I am sure it will not be asking too much of your politeness, to request that you obtain the consent of Mrs. Randolph and send me by mail either a copy or the original, as you please. I understand Mr. J. was very careful of his papers, and hope there will be no difficulty in finding this. It will be esteemed the best fortune that ever befell me to find myself able to justify in the least this best of patriots and wisest of men—a man who entered every walk of politics and philosophy, and in all was foremost.

That I may express further my sentiments towards him, I beg leave to inclose for your perusal a rough sketch of a general order, which, at the request of a military friend, I prepared the other day. The news of Mr. Adams's death arriving, rendered it inexecutable and useless, and I had no wish to blend the two names. With the most exalted esteem for Mr. Jefferson's daughter-more to he honored than either of Epamimondas's-and sincere respect for yourself,

I remain, dear sir,

Your very obedient and very humble servt.,

H. LEE. WASHINGTON, 20th July, 1826.

MR. TRIST, Monticello.

The General-in-Chief has received, through the Department of War, the following order of the President: [Here follows order.]

"The event thus announced to the army overspreads the nation with sorrow. The Republic mourns its second founder, Liberty her moet ardent advocate; philosophy her great disciple, and learning her munificent friend. The author of the Declaration of Independence-the leader of our second Revolution-the founder of Louisiana-the sage of Monticello-the beloved and venerated THOMAS JEFFER SON is no more. Full of years, and full of honors,' the day of his death was that of his own and of his country's greatest glory.

"His were conquests-the conquests of truth over error-of reason over prejudice-of wisdom over violence-victories of the mind!-triumphs of patriotism and philanthropy.

"The army of the United States, consecrated to freedom and science and the service of the country, will feel peculiar and melancholy pride in obeying this order of the President, and in paying solemn honors to the memory of a man, whose sublime genius, extensive capacity, and splendid acquirements were unceas ingly exerted through a long life, first, for the good of his country, and next for the good of mankind."

[The above is copied from the original, now in my possession; said original being the paper inclosed in H. Lee's letter to me, dated, "Washington, 20th July, 1826."

PHILADELPHIA, April 4th, 1858.

N. P. TRIST.]

The other letter is very curious, but as it would not, strictly speaking, throw any further light on the only point which the foregoing was presented to illustrate, we shall not here transcribe it.

The character of the individual who has made himself witness and judge, in respect to the public and private life of Thomas Jefferson, has been passed upon in a high quarter, and under circumstances which admit of no pretence that political or personal prejudices influenced the verdict. When General Jackson was a candidate for the Presidency, in 1827 and 1828, Henry Lee labored and wrote for him with vehement energy, and with his customary ability. We could give on his own authority, did we suppose it called for, a striking specimen of his sharp electioneering tactics. He gave out that he was writing a life of General Jackson. He was a brilliant man in his address. He had borne a major's commission in the army of the United States, in the war of 1812. He represented a family which had been as distinguished for its talents, patriotism, and influence as any in the United States, and which yet had most honored and worthy representatives. Jackson knew him in these phases, and on his election promptly commissioned him ConsulGeneral for the United States, for the City and Kingdom of Algiers, in the place of Mr. Shaler, resigned.

Lee's nomination was transmitted to the Senate of the United States, January 22d, 1830, and on the 10th of February, referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations. On the 8th of March, Mr. Tazewell, of Virginia, by direction of the Committee, moved "that the Committee of Foreign Relations to whom was referred the nomination of Henry Lee, as Consul,” etc., “be empowered to send for persons." The Senate adjourned while this motion was under consideration. On the resumption of its consideration, March 10th, it was ordered, on motion of Mr. McKinley, that it lie on the table. The Senate then took up the nomination and rejected it unanimously. On motion of Mr. Burnet, seconded by one fifth of the senators present, the yeas and nays were ordered, and they stood: yeas, none; nays, forty-six. Comment is unnecessary.

1 Those who voted against confirmation were: Messrs Adams, of Miss.; Barnard, of Pa.; Barton, of Mo.; Benton, of Mo.; Bell, of N. H.; Bibb, of Ky.; Brown, of N. C.; Burnet, of O.; Chambers, of Md.; Chase, of Vt.; Clayton, of Del.; Dickinson, of N. J.; Dudley, of N. Y.; Ellis, of Miss.; Foot, of Con. Frelinghuysen, of N. J.; Grundy, of Ten.; Hayne, of S. C.; Hendricks, of Ia; Holmes, of Me.; Iredell, of N. C.; Johnston, of La.; Kane, of Ill; King, of Ala.; Knight, of R. I.; Livingston, of La.; McLean, of Ill.; McKinley, of Ala; Marks, of Pa.; Naudain, of Del.; Robbins, of R. I; Rowan, of Ky.; Ruggles, of O.; Sanford, of N. Y.; Seymour, of Vt.; Silsbee, of Mass; Smith, of Md.; Smith, of S. C.; Sprague, of Me.; Tazewell, of Va; Troup, of Ga.; Tyler, of Va Webster, of Mass.; White, of Ten.; Willey, of Con.; Woodbury, of N. H.-46.

Absent, Forsyth of Ga, and Noble, of Ia.

APPENDIX NO. XXXIII.-VOL. III., p. 537.

Mr. Jefferson's Will.

I, Thomas Jefferson, of Monticello, in Albermarle, being of sound mind, and in my ordinary state of health, make my last will and testament, in manner and form as follows:

I give to my grandson, Francis Eppes, son of my dear deceased daughter, Mary Eppes, in fee simple, all that part of my lands at Poplar Forest, lying west of the following lines, to wit: beginning at Radford's upper corner, near the double branches of Bear Creek and the public road, and running thence in a straight line to the fork of my private road, near the barn; thence along that private road (as it was changed in 1817), to its crossing of the main branch of North Tomahawk Creek; and from that crossing, in a direct line over the main ridge which divides the North and South Tomahawk, to the South Tomahawk, at the confluence of two branches where the old road to the Waterlick crossed it, and from that confluence up the northernmost branch (which separates McDaniel's and Perry's fields), to its source; and thence by the shortest line to my western boundary. And having, in a former correspondence with my deceased son-in-law, John W. Eppes, contemplated laying off for him, with remainder to my grandson, Francis, a certain portion in the southern part of my lands in Bedford and Campbell, which I afterwards found to be generally more indifferent than I had supposed, and therefore determined to change its location for the better; now, to remove all doubt, if any could arise on a purpose merely voluntary and uncxecuted, I hereby declare that what I have herein given to my said grandson Francis, is instead of, and not additional, to what I had formerly contemplated. I subject all my other property to the payment of my debts in the first place. Considering the insolvent state of the affairs of my friend and son-in-law, Thomas Mann Randolph, and that what will remain of my property will be the only resource against the want in which his family would otherwise be left, it must be his wish, as it is my duty, to guard that resource against all liability for his debts, engagements, or purposes whatsoever, and to preclude the rights, powers, and authorities over it, which might result to him by operation of law, and which might, independently of his will, bring it within the power of his creditors, I do hereby devise and bequeath all the residue of my property, real and personal, in possession or in action, whether held in my own right, or in that of my dear deceased wife, according to the powers vested in me by deed of settlement for that purpose, to my grandson, Thomas J. Randolph, and my friends, Nicholas P. Trist, and Alexander Garret, and their heirs, during the life of my said son-in-law, Thomas M. Randolph, to be held and administered by them, in trust, for the sole and separate use and behoof of my dear daughter, Martha Randolph, and her heirs; and, aware of the nice and difficult distinction of the law in these cases, I will further explain by saying, that I understand and intend the effect of these limitations to be, that the legal estate and actual occupation shall be vested in my said trustees, and held by them in base fee, determinable on the death of my said son-in-law, and the remainder during the same time be vested in my said daughter and her heirs, and of course disposable by her last will, and that at the death of my said son-in-law, the particular estate of the trustees shall be determined, and the remainder, in legal estate, possession, and use, become vested in my said daughter and her heirs, in

absolute property forever. In consequence of the variety and indescribableness of the articles of property within the house of Monticello, and the difficulty of inventorying and appraising them separately and specifically, and its inutility, I dispense with having them inventoried and appraised; and it is my will that my executors be not held to give any security for the administration of my estate. I appoint my grandson, Thomas Jefferson Randolph, my sole executor, during his life, and after his death, I constitute executors, my friends, Nicholas P. Trist and Alexander Garret, joining to them my daughter, Martha Randolph, after the death of my said son-in-law, Thomas M. Randolph. Lastly, I revoke all former wills by me heretofore made; and in witness that this is my will, I have written the whole, with my own hand, on two pages, and have subscribed my name to each of them, this sixteenth day of March, one thousand eight hundred and twenty-six.

TH. JEFFERSON.

I, Thomas Jefferson, of Monticello, in Albemarle, make and add the following codicil to my will, controlling the same so far as its provisions go:

I recommend to my daughter, Martha Randolph, the maintenance and care of my well-beloved sister, Anne Scott, and trust confidently that from affection to her, as well as for my sake, she will never let her want a comfort. I have made no specific provision for the comfortable maintenance of my son-in-law, Thomas M. Randolph, because of the difficulty and uncertainty of devising terms which shall vest any beneficial interest in him, which the law will not transfer to the benefit of his creditors, to the destitution of my daughter and her family, and disablement of her to supply him; whereas, property placed under the exclusive control of my daughter and her independent will, as if she were a feme sole, considering the relation in which she stands both to him and his children, will be a certain resource against want for all.

I give to my friend, James Madison, of Montpellier, my gold-mounted walking staff of animal horn, as a token of the cordial and affectionate friendship which for nearly now an half century, has united us in the same principles and pursuits of what we have deemed for the greatest good of our country.

I give to the University of Virginia, my library, except such particular books only, and of the same edition, as it may already possess, when this legacy shall take effect; the rest of my said library, remaining after those given to the University shall have been taken out, I give to my two grandsons-in-law, Nicholas P. Trist and Joseph Coolidge. To my grandson, Thomas Jefferson Randolph, I give my silver watch in preference of the golden one, because of its superior excellence, my papers of business going of course to him, as my executor, all others of a literary or other character I give to him as of his own property.

I give a gold watch to each of my grandchildren, who shall not have already received one from me, to be purchased and delivered by my executor to my grandsons at the age of twenty-one, and grand-daughters at that of sixteen.

I give to my good, affectionate, and faithful servant, Burwell, his freedom, and the sum of three hundred dollars, to buy necessaries to commence his trade of painter and glazier, or to use otherwise, as he pleases.

I give also to my good servants, John Hemings and Joe Fosset, their freedom, at the end of one year after my death; and to each of them respectively, ail the tools of their respective shops or callings; and it is my will that a comfortable log-house be built for each of the three servants so emancipated, on some

part of my lands convenient to them with respect to the residence of their wives, and to Charlottesville, and the University, where they will be mostly employed, and reasonably convenient also to the interests of the proprietor of the lands, of which houses I give the use of one, with a curtilage of an acre to each, during his life, or personal occupation thereof.

I give also to John Hemings the service of his two apprentices, Madison and Eston Hemings, until their respective ages of twenty-one years, at which period, respectively, I give them their freedom; and I humbly and earnestly request of the Legislature of Virginia a confirmation of the bequest of freedom to these servants, with permission to remain in this State, where their families and connections are, as an additional instance of the favor, of which I have received so many other manifestations, in the course of my life, and for which I now give them my last, solemn, and dutiful thanks.

In testimony that this is a codicil to my will of yesterday's date, and that it is to modify so far the provisions of that will, I have written it all with my own hand in two pages, to each of which I subscribe my name, this seventeenth day of March, one thousand eight hundred and twenty-six.

TH. JEFFERSON

APPENDIX NO. XXXIV.-VOL. III., p. 539.

Mr. Jefferson's Views on Slavery, etc.

Putting all his declarations in regard to African Slavery, emancipation, coloniza tion, etc., together, he appears to have entertained the following views:

1. He was wholly opposed to slavery on all grounds, and desired its abolition. 2. He was opposed to emancipating the body of slaves at once, and retaining them in the United States. He thought this course would prove fatal to them, and destructive to the whites.

3. He was opposed to general emancipation, except as accompanied by colonization, and preceded by sufficient mental and industrial training to enable the emanicated slaves to take care of themselves as separate political communities. He was also opposed to "abandoning" them, as he termed it, in individual cases, where they did not possess a similar preparation for freedom.

4. He believed no preparation would render it expedient to admit them to the full rights of citizenship, by making them a part of the electoral body; and on the other hand, he considered their retention in the State as a permanently distinct, and inferior free caste, as fraught with insuperable evils and dangers.

5. He believed that emancipation should be gradual for the interest of both races; that it would be practicable only in regard to post nati (after-born); that actual property had been lawfully vested in slaves, and could not be lawfully taken from its possessors without compensation.

6. He was opposed to interference with slave-institutions by those living outside of Slave States, either by legislation or agitation-considering it unwarranted by the spirit of the Constitution, and calculated to defeat emancipation.

7. He considered constant slavery denunciation and agitation by inhabitants or Slave States, as also calculated to defeat emancipation, and that "persuasion, per