offensive tone employed, you leave the way open for friendly and respectful explanations, if there be a disposition to offer them; and for a decision here on any reply which may be of a different character."

Congress closed their session on the 25th ult. For a general view of their proceedings, I refer to the series of newspapers heretofore and now forwarded, and to other prints which are added. Among their acts of chief importance, is that which vests in the President an authority to suspend, in whole or in part, the embargo laws.

The conditions on which the suspending authority is to be exercised will engage your particular attention. They appeal equally to the justice and the policy of the two great belligerent powers, now emulating each other in violations of both. The President counts on your best endeavours to give to this appeal all the effect possible with the French government. Mr. Pinkney will be doing the same with that of Great Britain. The relation in which a recall of its retaliating decrees by either power, will place the United States to the other is obvious; and ought to be a motive to the measure proportioned to the desire which has been manifested by each, to produce collisions between the United States and its adversary; and which must be equally felt by each to avoid one with itself.

Should wiser councils or increasing distresses induce Great Britain to revoke her impolitick orders against neutral commerce, and thereby prepare the way for a removal of the embargo as it applies to her, France could not persist in the illegal part of her decrees, if she does not mean to force a contest with the United States. On the other hand, should she set the example of revocation, Great Britain would be obliged, either by following it, to restore to France the full benefit of neutral trade which she needs, or by persevering in her obnoxious orders after the pretext for them had ceased, to render collisions. with the United States inevitable.

In every point of view, therefore, it is so clearly the sound policy of France, to rescind so much at least of her decrees as trespass on neutral rights, and particularly to be the first in taking the retrograde step, that it cannot be unreasonable to expect that it will be immediately taken.

In whatever degree the French government may be led to change its system, you will lose no time in transmitting the information to this department, and to Mr. Pinkney, and by hired conveyances if necessary. A correspondent instruction is given to Mr. Pinkney.

It is of the greater importance that you should receive from each other the earliest notice of any relaxations, as each government is under a pledge to follow such an example by the other. And it is not of less importance that the President or Congress should be acquainted with the facts, that the proceedings here may be accommodated to them."

"That you may know the grounds on which the British orders of November have been arraigned by this government, I enclose a copy of the answer to Mr. Erskine's note communicating them, a copy of the note being also enclosed.

The other documents communicated will put you in full possession of the relations of the United States with Great Britain, as resulting from the issue of our general negotiations, and from that of the mission of Mr. Rose.

This despatch is forwarded by Mr. Baker, who takes his passage from Baltimore, in a vessel engaged as was the Osage, which sailed from New York, for the special purpose of publick and mercantile correspondence with Europe. She will proceed, in the first instance, to L'Orient, where she will leave Mr. Baker, and thence proceed with despatches for Mr. Pinkney to Falmouth, where she will remain a few days to receive communications from him; she will then return to L'Orient, in order to bring back Mr. Baker with your communications."

Mr. Madison, to General Armstrong. Department of State, July 21, 1808.

SIR, Herewith you will receive a copy of the papers relating to one of the vessels which were destroyed at sea by the French frigates returning from the West Indies. I observe that in your letter to M. Champagny, of the 2d of April, you have incidentally noticed this occurrence. If ample reparation should not have been made to the sufferers, the President thinks it proper, that as their cases

become authenticated, you should present them in terms which may awaken the French government to the nature of the injury and the demands of justice. The burning of neutral vessels detained on the high seas is the most distressing of all the modes by which belligerents exert force contrary to right; and in proportion as it is destitute of apology, ought at least to be the promptitude and amplitude of the redress. If it be contended that the destruction in these cases proceeded solely from the danger that, otherwise, intelligence might reach a pursuing or hovering force, it may be answered, that if such a plea were of greater avail, it would only disprove a hostility of intention, without diminishing the obligation to indem nify, on the most liberal scale, the injured individuals. It may be added, that if the outrage on the individuals was not meant as a hostility towards their nation, the latter might justly expect a tender of such explanations as would leave no doubt on this subject.

I have the honour to be, &c.

JAMES MADISON.

Gen. Armstrong, Minister Plenipotentiary

of the U. States, Paris.

[The remaining communications accompanying the last message of the President, will be printed first in VOL. VII.]

END OF VOL. VI.