mind. He seldom issues an order that does not bespeak, either the general tone of his nature, or the particular impulse of the moment. He seems to have felt no hesitation in avowing, in the course of the letters which follow, the most flagitious sentiments; and this may be accounted for on one or other, or on both, of these principles. The letters being, in the first place, addressed, with few exceptions, to persons in absclute dependence on him, he consequently would be wholly free from that sort of reserve which arises from the fear of incurring the censure or reproach of the world. He knew his will to be a law, the propriety of which, as it might concern others, would never be canvassed or doubted by any of his slaves. In the next place, he probably measured the sentiments in question by a different estimate from that with which we estimate them. Thus, the various murders and acts of treachery which we see him directing to be carried into execution, were not criminal, but on the contrary, just, and even meritorious, in his eyes. They might, and most likely did, in a great degree proceed from a disposition naturally cruel and sanguinary; but, perhaps, an intolerant religious zeal and bigotry were not less active motives to them. The Koran taught him, that it was not necessary to keep faith with infidels, or the enemies of the true religion, in which class it was not difficult for him to persuade himself that it was right to include all who opposed, or refused to co-operate in his views, for the extension of that religion; or, in other words, for his own aggran disement. Hence it was, that our mussulman allies and subjects were scarcely less obnoxious to his hatred and vengeance than ourselves. With regard to the secret murder of his English prisoners, his dreadful slaughter of the Curgas and Nairs, and his forcible conversion of so many thousands of the two latter tribes to the Mohamedan faith, hẹ probably thought such enormities no less warranted, both by the example and precepts of the founder of his religion, than the infraction of oaths and engagements in his transactions with unbelievers."

The aggregate of personal qualities, which passes under the name of character,' is the result of dispositions implanted by nature, modified by accidental impressions in childhood, by education in early youth, by profession, rank and fortune in manhood, as well as by the state of society and form of government. In all situations, these external or secondary causes produce so great an effect, that whatever may be the original disposition of individuals, our experience leads us to expect similar conduct in similar circumstances, and to rely more on the uniform effect of the latter, than on any peculiarity derived from nature. When we see Richard Cromwell spontaneously descend to the condition of a private citizen, our astonishment is naturally excited, because our experience did not lead us to expect such conduct, in such circumstances. But, had he wished to preserve the authority, it is quite evident that he must also have adopted the policy and the artifices of his father; and that the only apparent difference

in their public character, would have resulted from the inferior degree of ability he would probably have displayed in prosecuting the same plans.

It may readily be imagined that no circumstance operates more powerfully in the formation of character than despotic power, and that the minds of all those who possess it will in general be actuated by the same motives, and influenced by the same trains of thinking. It would be wonderful, if the flattery of cour tiers failed to inspire them with a high sense of their own merit; if obsequiousness to their caprices did not produce an universal contempt for the rest of mankind, and an opinion that their wishes ought to be gratified at whatever expense; and if their solitary grandeur did not render them callous to the misery of beings, whom they hardly deign to consider as participating of one common nature. Such, certainly, appears to be the natural effect of the unhappy circumstances in which Eastern sovereigns are placed: and, in reviewing the history of Asiatic states, there is more reason to wonder at the frequent exceptions to the general rule, than at the number of instances in which it is exemplified. Tipu Sultan did not figure as an exception; but his character was modified by other circumstances of a peculiar nature.

Although Tipu had long been recognised as successor to his father, and ascended the throne without opposition, it was still the throne of an usurper. For the maintenance of his authority, it was necessary to support a greater military establishment than the revenues of the country could afford; and the expedient which naturally presented itself was an extension of territory. Of his actual possessions, too, much had been wrested from the dominion of neighbouring states, who were naturally eager to seize on the first opportunity of regaining what they had lost. Of these states, almost all professed a religion different from his own; and this was also the religion of the majority of his subjects. It was therefore almost entirely on the zeal and attachment of his Moslem adherents that he depended, not only for success but for security; and to secure their exertions, the most effectual method was to blend religion with politics. Hence, all his wars became crusades. The extension of the faith became, of course, the motive and the apology for unprincipled aggression. And really, if we consider this pretext of the Sultan, with a reference to others made use of by kings and emperors nearer home, we do not see that it loses much by the comparison. Would it have been better-if he had pretended that the distracted state of a neighbouring country had imperiously prescribed it to him as a duty to humanity, to put a stop to intestine commotion, by taking military possession? Should we have thought more favourably of him, if he had announced that Nature had marked out the limits of

empires by distinct boundaries, the courses of deep rivers, and the ridges of lofty mountains; and that in extending his authority over all the countries south of the Godaveri, which was unquestionably the particular river Nature intended, he was only the instrument of fulfilling the divine intentions? Would it even have been much better, if he had given out that the legal authority of the Peshwa having been unduly weakened by the insubordination of his feudatory chiefs, it became necessary for him to place matters on their former footing, by establishing a vigorous government in the person of his own brother?-though the case, to be Bure, would have been different, if, taking it for granted that the Mahrattas were on the point of seizing on the defenceless country of the Nizam, and thereby increasing their power, already too formidable, he had only stepped in, notwithstanding his unalterable affection for his august and venerable ally, to avert the blow, by seizing on as much of it as he could for himself.

On the whole, however, it must be confessed, that Tipu was not altogether successful in imparting a tinge of plausibility to his ambitious projects.. Yet, his objects were precisely the same with those of many mighty monarchs and illustrious statesmen, his contemporaries; and though he was probably somewhat less scrupulous as to means, we rather think, that, in the hands of a judicious statesman of the modern school, the substance of his measures might have assumed a less revolting appearance. Let us try whether the Sultan's homely style may not be translated into very courtly fashionable language.

Camreddin Khan, one of Tipu's generals, was employed in the siege of a fortress, subject to the Mahrattas. The following are his master's instructions. Agreeably to our former directions, let a capitulation be granted to the besieged, allowing them to depart with their arms and accoutrements. Cali Pandit, with his family and kindred, and the principal bankers, must also be induced, by engagements, to descend from the fort; upon doing which, they are to be placed under a guard, and ten lacs of pagodas to be demanded of them, for the ravages committed in our territories. If they pay this sum it will be well. Otherwise they must be kept in confinement. In short, you are, by finesse, to get the aforesaid Pandit, together with his kindred, and the bankers, out of the fort, and then to secure their persons." The intentions of Tipu would have been equally well understood, if the minister for the war department had expressed himself thus to M. le General. I have his majesty's commands to inform you, that in order to put a speedy stop to the effusion of human blood, and for the sake of suffering humanity, you are hereby authorised to grant to the garrison of Nirguna whatever terms are most likely to induce them to an immediate surrender of that fortress. These

terms, M. le General, you will doubtless observe with that rigid punctuality which has always distinguished the sovereign whom we have the honour and happiness to serve. Besides the commandant, Cali Pandit, there are a number of opulent bankers in the fort, whose property and persons might be exposed to much risk in the present unsettled state of that country. His majesty expects, therefore, that you will pay particular attention to the safety of these interesting individuals; that you will appoint a guard of honour to attend their persons, and adopt every precaution for their entire security. As a mark of his gracious indulgence, his Majesty is willing to reduce to ten lacs of pagodas the damages sustained by his territories, which, at their perfect convenience, they will no doubt cheerfully reimburse before their departure.'

Again, in the year 1785, the city of Puna had been thrown into disorder by disputes between the Hindu and Mohamedan inhabitants, originating apparently in some female intrigue. Tipu's ambassadors appear successfully to have executed their influence for the restoration of order in the Mahratta capital; a conduct which procured for them the following very gracious letter from their master:

"To Nur Mohamed Khan and Mohamed Ghias, dated from Bangalor, 5th Wasai, or 14th September.

"We have, of late, repeatedly heard, that Row Rasta" (a Mahratta chief in Tipu's interest) "having sent for you, you declined waiting upon him, on account of a dispute that had arisen respecting a woman belonging to some musulman; returning for answer to his message, that if they would let the woman in question go, you would attend him. This account has occasioned us the utmost surprise and astonishment. This is a domestic disturbance among the inhabitants of their own country. Where was the necessity of your interfering in this matter, or of refusing to wait upon Row Rasta, when he sent for you? thereby throwing our affairs into confusion. It seems to us that great years and old heads must have produced this change in your conduct, and rendered you thus unmindful of your lives and honour. It would have been most consonant to the state of the times, and to the regard you owed to our interests, if, considering their dissensions as beneficial to Islam, you had secretly encouraged the musulmans in their proceedings, whilst, to all appearance, you were unconcerned spectators; instead of interposing with such an extraordinary recommendation as you did; and which was, indeed, altogether unworthy of your understandings. When the Nazarenes (the English) seized upon hundreds of musulman women, where was the zeal for the honour of Islamism, which you are now so desirous of manifesting there? For the future, it will be proper that you should never take any share in their domestic concerns, but attend exclusively to whatever may promote the success of our affairs. Let the fire of discord, therefore, be

again kindled amongst them, to the end that they may, in this manner, waste their strength upon each other."

This letter seems to demonstrate, that the Sultan's fanaticism was very much under the direction of his policy. A more skilful writer might have conveyed the same instructions, in the language of European diplomacy, in a more agreeable form.

"I have his Majesty's commands to signify to your Excellency the concern which he has experienced at the measure you have recently adopted. In doing justice to the motives by which it was actuated, he conceives it incompatible with the dignity of his crown, to suffer it to pass without animadversion. If any one principle is more incontestably demonstrated than another, by the uniform tenor of his Majesty's government, it is his unalterable resolution never to interfere in the domestic concerns of neighbouring and friendly states. Your Excellency will appreciate the strictness with which his Majesty has determined to adhere to this principle, when you shall learn, that even to preserve the unsullied purity of the daughters of Islam, will not, in his eyes, justify a deviation from it. Your Excellency will therefore adopt every practicable measure to restore affairs to the precise posture in which they were at the time of your unfortunate interference. In carrying into execution a measure so indispensable for the glory of our Sovereign, you will inform the musulmans of the interest his Majesty takes in their concerns, and the shock his sensibility has experienced at the insults they have thus wantonly been exposed to. Your Excellency may also think it expedient to hint to them, that the station of the tenth military division is within fifteen days march of Puna."

We have already stated, that of the acts and expressions supposed to arise from the personal character of the Sultan, many, we think, may be traced to the peculiar circumstances in which he found himself placed. To a man whose caprice is a law to thousands, it is a very natural, if not a logical conclusion, that he is as much their superior in wisdom as in authority. Tipu, consequently, was skilled in all sciences. His knowledge of medicine is proved by his condescending to prescribe for his officers when indisposed; and it would be a very pretty question to determine, whether it required most courage to swallow or to neglect the royal recipe. The following contains important instructions to physicians in a very alarming case.

"It has been reported to us, that the Mutusuddy of the Jaish, Crishna Row has been bitten by a mad dog: We therefore write to desire that you will give the aforesaid Mutusuddy in particular charge to the physician Mohamed Beg, who must adminiser to him the proper medicines in such cases, and restore him to health. He must also be told not to let the discharge from the wound stop, but to keep it open for six months."