the country; let it never be forgotten, that those two men, when power was offered to them, with full liberty to carry whatever measures they might conceive calculated to counteract the pernicious system against which they had for many years inveighed, refused to take power, refused to do all that good which they professed themselves able and willing to do; refused to conciliate Ireland, to save England, to redeem the Spanish cause, to revive our commerce, and to restore amity with America-for what? because they were not permitted, in limine, to disjoint the household; because, though all these great questions were laid at their feet, they were not told, as a preliminary, whether they might turn out two of the household officers. Such is the consistency of a modern whig! This is not the place to pursue any thing like an extended enquiry into the probable motives of their conduct, or it would be no difficult matter to shew that they acted throughout from the dictates of a proud and measureless ambition, which would first enslave the throne before it would consent to serve it. To return, however, to our immediate object.

The volume before us, though hastily produced, has a good deal in it which deserves notice, especially at the present moment, when many of the topics which it embraces are still agitated by the public mind. We shall extract, as a specimen, the following passage, which relates to one of the most remarkable events of Mr. Perceval's life.

"Developement of the Delicate Investigation.

"Few indeed have been the ministers who have distinguished themselves by their literary productions, or whose names have been handed down to posterity by any other medium than their measures in the cabinet. But this does not appear to have been the fate of the late Chancellor of the Exchequer. One, at least, of his performances in the closet, equally with those in the cabinet or the grand council of the nation, it seems, will be in a great measure known to future ages, by means of a MOST MYSTERIOUS BOOK. This book, the real contents of which have indeed been seen by very few, has been the cause of several attempts to impose something else upon the public, as being THE SPIRIT OF THE BOOK', and the history of certain transactions between some exalted personages, &c. but without any ground whatever beyond conjecture, founded upon the general knowledge of a disagreement between the parties, &c. We shall now trace these rumours to their source, and, aided by the clue of probability, explore a laby. rinth of error and perplexity, till we arrive at a more evident degree of certainty upon the subject than has hitherto been obtained.

"In the year 1806, during the existence of the Talent Administration, it for the first time transpired, that very serious disputes existed between the Prince and his royal consort, and that his Majesty corresponded with the Princess upon the subject, and finally issued his com

mand, that an investigation should take place, and which was accordingly undertaken by a special committee chosen from a certain number of noblemen.

"On the part of one of these eminent personages, the whole of this business was conducted by Mr. Perceval, and when concluded, it was Mr. Perceval that caused the whole proceedings to be thrown into the form of a book, and two large impressions of them to be printed, notwithstanding every individual person engaged in this business was sworn to observe the most inviolable secrecy !!

"That it was the object of Mr. Perceval in his proceedings relative to the Book, from its first composition, to secure to himself the high office he filled, can no longer be doubted. In vain was the anxiety of persons expressed for its publication; for, from the moment it suited Mr. Perceval's purpose to conceal it, it was determined the public should not be gratified. One or two copies for his royal master, as far as Mr. Perceval knew, were sufficient for his purpose. The Book was the stepping-stone to the late minister's ambition, and he saw and availed himself of the moment when any thing he chose to ask could not be denied. The contents of the Book were concealed as a sacred deposit, and Mr. Perceval kept the key; and thus for a while seemed to consider himself a king of kings!

"On this high ground, feeling himself without a rival, which Mr. Perceval could brook as little as any man in power, he went on nearly three years before he attended to the whispers that some copies of the MYSTERIOUS BOOK were in the hands of several persons. This rising uneasiness, it is supposed, produced the following advertisement.

'THE BOOK.-Any person having in their possession a CERTAIN Book, printed by Mr. Edwards, in 1807, but never published, with W. Lindsell's name as the seller of the same on the title-page, and will bring it to W. Lindsell, bookseller, Wimpole-street, will receive a handsome gratuity.'-Times Paper, 27th March, 1809.

"Mr. Perceval's fears on this head were not groundless; for several persons, encouraged by the large sums asked by a few holders of the book, came forward; some received five hundred, some eight, and one person fifteen hundred guineas for a copy. In fact, it is supposed that not less than twenty thousand pounds were expended in buying up, and in concealing Mr. Perceval's MYSTERIOUS BOOK from the public eye.

"But in spite of all these precautions, it was Mr. Perceval's fate to be again visited with dreadful forebodings, in relation to the Book, only a short time before his decease, when the Bill for making provision for the Princesses was before the Commons. He then sent for every person whom he knew was acquainted with the Book, and expressed his apprehensions that its contents had been improperly divulged. As it might be expected on such an occasion, these persons attested their innocence, and Mr. Perceval either was, or pretended to be, satisfied.

"All this, upon which the public may rely, ought to convince them likewise of the little reliance that should be placed upon what has been 3 E

VOL. VIII.

called, 'The Spirit of the Book,' or any other publication, which has pretended to narrate a history of the difference between two exalted personages.

"Relative to what has been said in Parliament with respect to this MYSTERIOUS BOOK, we shall refer to what was said respecting the Prince Regent's Message, delivered on Wednesday, March 20, relative to provision for the Princesses, when referring to the speech of Mr. Bennett, the Chancellor of the Exchequer said, that' with regard to the separation of the royal persons alluded to, he should say nothing. He might, and did lament it as much as any one could, but neither as a minister, nor in any other character, did he feel himself called upon to say any thing on the subject. (Hear, hear, hear !)-As to what had been said respecting the grant of the 10,000l. additional to the Queen, the committee must be aware, that it was entirely of a different nature from that now under consideration. Its object was to enable the Queen to meet expenses which she would be likely to incur unconnected in any manner with the Princesses. There was no increase in the civil list of the Prince of Wales above that of the King, on the contrary, there was a diminution.

Mr. Whitbread defended his hon. friend (Mr. Bennett) from the charge of inconsistency, and thought it most natural that he should wish to see the Princess of Wales placed in that situation in which he believed every person in the country wished to see her. It was rather alarming to understand from the right hon. gentleman, that if a reconciliation should take place in a quarter where every one must desire it, the right hon. gentleman would have to come down to the House to ask a new grant. There was no impropriety in enquiring as to the situation of the Princess of Wales. The right hon. gentleman has said, that he would state nothing, as a minister, on the subject; but the time was, when the right hon. gentleman was not only willing to give information to every subject in the country, but had a book ready, which was to have gone not only through the public of this country, but through all Europe. This Book the right hon. gentleman has since purchased up and suppressed, for what reason he knew not. Undoubtedly, as counsel to her royal highness, he was in a situation the most natural to be called upon for information, though it was possible he might now remain mute, when he intended to have had ten thousand tongues. But the Princess of Wales was not only inferior to the Queen in point of real income, but the Queen had the advantage of being also on the establishment with her husband. The Princess of Wales, on the contrary, was living in retirement, at Blackheath, for as to separation, though he and others had used the word, the public knew nothing more than that she lived in retirement; and now they knew, that if ever matters came on a better footing, a fresh grant of money would be demanded. It had been said, that they might go into the enquiry on the civil list after the grant was made; but making the grant under such circumstances, was parting with an advantage to which he could not consent. He should concur with his right hon. friend (Mr. Ponsonby), in voting against the resolution.' "Being further pressed on the subject by Mr. Tierney, the Chan

cellor of the Exchequer said, that As to what he was bound to do as far as it affected his own character and conduct, he should always judge for himself. (Hear, hear!) He did not know with what view the right hon. gentleman now came forward, but he had no objection to state, that neither in his character as counsel to her royal highness, in which he had important duties to perform, nor as minister, nor in any other capacity, did he see any means of bringing a charge against her royal highness, nor did he entertain any opinion calculated to throw the slightest reflexion upon her, and further than this he should not state. As to the situation of her royal highness, he had no instruction to propose any additional grant; but if the right hon. gentleman, who now, for the first time, suggested it, could induce Parliament to think favourably of such a measure, he should be inclined, for one, to give that disposition its full effect.'

'Mr. Whitbread thought it extraordinary, that the right hon. gentleman (the Chancellor of the Exchequer), should recommend parliament to send a message to the Prince. He had stated, that he received no instruction to propose a grant to the Princess of Wales, that was, in other words, he had given no advice to that effect. They had heard the right hon. gentleman state but a few minutes ago, that no imputation could attach to her royal highness, but he should not forget, that she did at one time stand stigmatised, that he was once about to pub lish in her defence, but that she still remained unvindicated.

'The Chancellor of the Exchequer said, what he had stated with respect to the Princess of Wales, was, that neither in his situation as counsel to her royal highness, nor in any other character, was he conscious that there existed a ground of charge. He should always be prepared to make the same statement.'

"Upon this important debate it was observed at the time, that 'Mr. Perceval, the pious Mr. Perceval, had been the counsellor and friend of this illustrious, and, we believe, deeply injured personagehe had been the champion of her cause, and the public accuser of those suspected of having aimed a blow against her reputation and her happiness-he proclaimed her innocence, and defied her enemies to substantiate a single charge derogatory to her honour-yet the moment he had it in his power to serve her, and to prove the sincerity of his former professions, the religious, the pious, the moral Mr. Perceval, passes by his client with marked neglect-he abandons his friendthe 'illustrious and injured stranger' is forgotten: and in the intended arrangements for the comfort and dignity of the Princess of England, the wife of his royal master-the Princess Regent, the future Queen of the British Empire, is not noticed! not even once alluded to in the message from the throne, though that message was drawn up and presented to the legislature under the direction of her late counsellor and friend!-The tear may fall upon the cheek of injured beauty, but the pious Mr. Perceval will not stretch forth his hand to cheer the sufferer, lest he should lose his balance, and totter from the seat of power!! In the course of this debate, the reported Separation, the Delicate Inquiry, and the suppression of The Book, were all touched upon. At last, Mr. Perceval-the pious-the tolerant Mr. Perceval

rose, with, apparently great reluctance, aud coldly declared, he could not recollect any thing which it was possible to bring as a charge against the Princess of Wales.'-Now, this we conceive the important point; for a total separation has been much spoken of; and it has been roundly and very generally asserted, that the intended measure of separation was closely connected with Mr. Perceval's continuance in office; but as the minister cannot bring a charge of criminality, THERE CAN BE NO GROUND FOR THE SEPARATION-and this may ultimately preserve England from much distraction and calamity.

"This discussion, it was fondly imagined, would have been the means of bringing before the public the whole of that history which the three great counsellors of her royal highness, an illustrious duke, the present Lord Chancellor, and the late Chancellor of the Exchequer, thought fit at the time (1806) to print, as the means of her justification. That the materials which Mr. Perceval printed, were considered as sufficient for her justification, were beyond all doubt.

"As to her royal highness's debts, it was perhaps in this respect rather illiberal to refer to the fetes and the parties at Blackheath to all the Percevals, and all the friends and favourites of the Percevals, including the Wilson's, &c.; her royal highness's liberality in christening presents to the little Percevals, and all their maids, and all their wet-nurses, and all their dry-nurses. It is admitted, that at Blackheath her royal highness became 50,000/. in debt. If, upon an enquiry into the items of that account, it will be found that the family of Mr. Perceval, then her hero, advocate, and champion, helped her to spend it, how does it become him to say that he has no provision to offer for her, and reproach those who consult her rights and the dignity of the throne with an interested interference, merely because they never partook of her bounty.

"Mr. Perceval, who knows right well the author of the mysterious book; Mr. Perceval, the ci-devant champion of the Princess of Wales, well acquainted with all the Delicate Investigation; Mr. Perceval, the Prince's favourite, and the Prime Minister of England, admitted in his place in the House of Commons, that her Royal Highness has come pure and untouched out of the fiery ordeal. Why, then, is she not admitted to enjoy, at least, the cold formalities of court etiquette, and the other exterior advantages of her exalted rank? This court etiquette may, no doubt, have no charms for her, but it would infuse life and health, and spirit, into thousands. Every tradesman in London has felt the beneficial effects of a birth-day ball, or a drawing-room at St. James's, even at the close of a reign, uniformly remarked for patriarchal simplicity in the Sovereign. Then, what a stimulus might be given to the declining trade of this great metropolis by a brilliant court, amply supplied as it is by the public, under the auspices of a Princess (now pronounced injured) amiable and blameless, and a Prince, always celebrated for taste, magnificence, and splendour.